Iraq Liars & Deniers: we knew then what we know now

Bush_and_Blair_at_Camp_David

Iraq Liars & Deniers:
we knew then what we know now

Ilana Mercer is vindicated by history

“If we knew what we know today, we would not have gone into Iraq”: This is as good an apology Republicans vying for the highest office are willing to offer, 12 years after launching a war that was immoral and unjust from the inception, as some of us pointed out from the inception, cost trillions in treasure, tens of thousands of lives (American and Iraqi), and flouted America’s national interests.

The big reveal began with Jeb Bush, who told anchor Megyn Kelly that knowing what we know now about Iraq, he would absolutely still have invaded Iraq. Broadcaster Laura Ingraham was having none of it. With the benefit of hindsight, she had arrived at the belated conclusion that the invasion was wrong. Ingraham suggested that Bush III was insane for sticking to his guns about Iraq.

Next to disgrace was Sen. Marco Rubio, also in the running. Six weeks back, Rubio had been unrepentant about the catastrophic invasion. After The Shaming of Jeb, Rubio changed his tune.

The title of Judith Chalabi Miller’s “rehab book tour” is, “If we knew what we now know ….” Over the pages of the New York Times, Miller, the Gray Lady’s prized reporter had shilled for the Iraq war like there was no tomorrow. In her reporting, she channeled Ahmad Chalabi, an Iraqi conman who fed Miller with misinformation and lies about Iraqi weapons of mass destruction (WMD). The other conman was Bush II, president at the time. His administration assisted Miller—a woman already prone to seeing faces in the clouds—to tune-out and become turned-on and hot for war (also the title of a January 2003 “Return to Reason” column). No tale was too tall for our Judith; no fabrication too fantastic.

Miller’s “mistakes,” and those of America’s news cartel, are no laughing matter. But it took a Comedy Central icon to deconstruct her national bid for redemption. The fact that others were on board, Republicans and Democrats, is not exculpatory. Idiocy is bipartisan. Not everybody got it wrong. Miller and her ilk chose not to consult those who got it right.

Miller had company. The Fox News war harpies were certainly a dream come true for many American men. Who cared about honest reporting or basic fact-checking when a heaving bosom is yelling from the screen, “Sock it to Saddam, Dubya!”?

In any event, the meme, “If we knew what we know now, we would not have gone to war in Iraq,” is false; a lie. We most certainly knew what we know now as far back as 2002, which was when this column wrote:

Iraq is a secular dictatorship profoundly at odds with Islamic fundamentalism. No less an authority than the former head of the CIA’s counterterrorism office, Vincent Cannistraro, stated categorically that there was no evidence of Iraq’s links to al-Qaeda. Even the putative Prague meeting between Mohamed Atta, the ringleader of Sept. 11, and Iraqi intelligence, turned out to be bogus. … Iraq has been 95-percent disarmed and has no weapons of mass destruction, an assessment backed by many experts in strategic studies.

The column excerpted was published on September 19, 2002 in Canada’s national newspaper. On that day, the flirty notes and the gracious dinner invitations from America’s leading neoconservatives ceased.

Indeed, there were many experts, credible ones, who categorically rejected the contention that there were WMD in Iraq. But they were silenced; shut out by the media—the Hannitys, the Millers, the dissidents, their handlers and their followers—none of whom should be allowed to deflect from the intellectual and moral corruption it took to invade a Third World country whose military prowess was a fifth of what it was when hobbled during the Gulf War, which had no navy or air force and was no threat to American national security.

Eleven years ago, “What WMD”, courtesy of WND, documented the same old verities. No, not everyone was bullish about the Bush administration’s WMD balderdash. The International Atomic Energy Agency’s Dr. Mohammed ElBaradei told the U.N. Security Council before the war: There were no nuclear-designated aluminum tubes in Iraq; no uranium was imported, and no nuclear programs were in existence. Between 1991 and 1998, the IAEA had managed to strip Iraq of its fuel-enriching facilities, tallying inventories to a T. In David Kay’s late-in-the-day assessment, “Iraq’s large-scale capability to produce and fill new chemical weapons (CW) munitions was reduced, if not entirely destroyed, during Operation Desert Storm and Desert Fox and 13 years of U.N. sanctions and U.N. inspections.” Kay was the former top U.S. weapons inspector who endeared himself to the media as an invasion enthusiast.

According to the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace (CEIP), Congress in 1999 was privy to intelligence reports which similarly attested to a lack of “any direct evidence that Iraq has used the period since Desert Fox (1998) to reconstitute its WMD program.” Accounts of this nature had evidently been available to Congress for years. These reiterated, as one report from the Defense Intelligence Agency did, that, “A substantial amount of Iraq’s chemical warfare agents, precursors, munitions, and production equipment were destroyed between 1991 and 1998.”

“Kay’s news ought not to have been new to the blithering boobs in Congress,” I observed in 2004. The CEIP further bears out that in October of 2002, Congress was apprised of a National Intelligence Estimate, a declassified version of which was released only after the war. Apparently, entire intelligence agencies disputed key contentions that the administration—its experts, and its congressional and media backers—seized on and ran with.

While clearly pandering to policy makers, U.S. intelligence reports were still heavily qualified by conjectural expressions such as, “We believe Iraq could, might, possibly, and probably will.” The State Department and the White House, however, cultivated a custom of issuing Top Secret “fact” sheets with definitive statements from which all traces of uncertainty had been expunged.

Having categorically denied she possessed the analytical wherewithal to connect the dazzlingly close dots between terrorism and Arab men practicing their aeronautical take-off skills stateside—Condoleezza Rice was suddenly doing nothing but connecting disparate dots. She, Powell, Rumsfeld, Cheney and Bush never stopped lying about a reconstituted Iraqi nuclear-weapons program, chemical and biological blights, Scuds and squadrons of unmanned aerial vehicles streaking U.S. skies, and traveling laboratories teeming with twisted scientists. The language they deployed ignored the deep dissent in the intelligence community.

All the above information addressing pre-war knowledge has been culled from WND’s early, “Return to Reason” columns.

In 2003, “Bush’s 16 Words Miss the Big Picture” beseeched our readers to “see Bush’s sub-intelligent case for war for what it was”:

The administration’s war wasn’t about a few pieces that did not gel in an otherwise coherent framework, it wasn’t about an Iraq that was poised to attack the U.S. with germs and chemicals rather than with nukes—it was about a resigned, hungry, economic pariah that was a sitting duck for the power-hungry American colossus.

By all means, the column implored, “dissect and analyze what, in September 2002 I called the “lattice of lies leveled at Iraq: the uranium from Africa, the aluminum tubes from Timbuktu, the invisible meetings with al-Qaida in Prague, an al-Qaida training camp that existed under Kurdish—not Iraqi—control, as well as the alleged weaponized chemical and biological stockpiles and their attendant delivery systems that inspectors doubted were there and which never materialized.”

“But then assemble the pieces and synthesize the information, will you?”

“Rationalize with Lies,” moreover, dealt a blow to the creative post hoc arguments made to justify the unnecessary war the United States waged on a sovereign nation that had not attacked us, was no threat to us and was certainly no match for us. The argument:

“To say that Saddam may have had WMD is quite different from advocating war based on those assumptions. It’s one thing to assume in error; it’s quite another to launch a war in which tens of thousands would die based on mere assumptions, however widely shared. It was not the anti-war-on-Iraq camp that intended to launch a war based on the sketchy information it had. The crucial difference between the Bush camp and its opponents lies in the actions the former took.”

Second, it matters a great deal when during the last decade someone said Saddam was in possession of impermissible weapons. To have said so in 1991 is not the same as saying so in 2003, by which time Iraq had so obviously been cowed into compliance and was crawling with inspectors.

Naturally, at certain times during Iraq’s belligerent history, opponents of this war would have agreed Hussein had a weapons program. But by 1998, sensible people realized that Operation Desert Storm, followed by seven years of inspections, made the possibility of reconstituting such a program remote. President Jacques Chirac said as much to both Bush and Blair, who pretended not to hear.

To arrive at the correct conclusions about Bush’s undeniable delirium for war, it was necessary to employ facts and reality, Just War Theory developed by great Christian minds like St. Thomas Aquinas and St. Augustine, the libertarian axiom which prohibits aggression against non-aggressors, the natural law and what the Founding Fathers provided:

“A limited, constitutional republican government, by definition, doesn’t, cannot and must never pursue what Bush and his neoconservatives were after: a sort of 21st-century Manifest Destiny.”

Republicans are still fond of presenting their opponents with the following false choice: “But what would you have done about Iraq?” they are in the habit of asking me. The assertion is intended to make you assume incorrectly that something had to be done about Iraq. However, “The burden of proof is on he who proposes the existence of something like WMD, not on he who claims that it does not exist.” That line was penned 12 years ago.

In the early days, Iraq had provided “documentary intelligence from Naji Sabri, Saddam’s foreign minister, that Saddam did not have WMD.” I recall the derision and mockery with which the Bush administration and its hangers-on greeted what turned out to be the only truthful document in the sad saga of Iraq.

ILANA Mercer is a US-based, libertarian writer. She pens WND’s longest-standing, exclusive, paleolibertarian weekly column, “Return to Reason.” With a unique audience of 8 million, the site has been rated by Alexa as the most frequented “conservative” site on the Internet. Ilana has also featured on RT with the “Paleolibertarian Column,” and she contributes to Economic Policy Journal (the premier libertarian site on the web), Junge Freiheit, a German weekly of excellence, as well as to the British Libertarian Alliance and Quarterly Review (the celebrated British journal founded in 1809 by Walter Scott, Robert Southey and George Canning), where she is also contributing editor. Formerly syndicated by Creators Syndicate, Ilana is a fellow at the Jerusalem Institute for Market Studies (an award-winning, independent, non-profit, free-market economic policy think tank).

 

Posted in Current Affairs and Comment, QR Home | Tagged , , , | Leave a comment

Timbrell’s Yard, Bradford-on-Avon

Bradford-on-Avon

Bradford-on-Avon

Timbrell’s Yard
Bradford-on-Avon

Timbrell’s Yard is centrally located in busy and beautiful Bradford-on Avon, just by the river in one of the fine old buildings with cream coloured stone and appealingly wonky angles. The fact that the whole building leans back like an elderly gentleman relaxing into a favourite armchair adds to its charm. Inside we found a mixture of traditional and modern, with much use made of natural materials – lots of bare wood and stone – while distressed furniture, metal and industrial-style lighting add a contemporary spin. One enters through a flagstoned courtyard (nicely delineated with low barriers formed of railway sleepers – an idiosyncratic touch) full of tables of patrons lazily enjoying drinks, and so to the buzzing bar.

We found it a little difficult to find someone to take us through to the restaurant and thus our table, but once we had located a member of staff he could not have been more affable – an attribute which all the staff shared. Every waiter we encountered was extremely friendly and helpful whilst also being polite and professional, with only their rather informal dress (jeans and t-shirts) and worrying tendency to call us “guys” to detract (do we look like extremely combustible straw-filled dummies?). Rather incongruously, it was the slightly hippy-looking sommelier, whose looks and long locks intimated a more laid-back and casual attitude, who addressed us more correctly as “Sir” and “Madam”. Our waiter, though young, was excellent. He asked for feedback on the new item on the menu (the lamb) and duly passed it back to the kitchen. He also forgot about Tristan’s fish and when we reminded him apologised so profusely that we ended up apologising for reminding him. I think it’s the first time I’ve ever heard a waiter say “It’s entirely my fault”. Impressive.

The informal air is continued through to the tables, which are undressed, with no tablecloth, just a single candle in a basic candleholder and the correct glasses and cutlery. The wooden chairs are mismatched between the tables, giving an air of slightly studied casualness. Lighting is provided by a large ceiling light, somewhat industrial in tone; and the walls a light-ish honeyed grey, with the railway sleepers in the courtyard echoed in the vertical, slightly rough wooden panelling.

We found the fact that there was no music incredibly refreshing. In fact, a rather attractive light jazz was playing in the lavatories, which would have been pleasant in the restaurant as well, but the lack of popular music was an absolute joy and showed a confidence in the establishment and the pleasures offered by the food and drink. In fact, the only negative point of a “comfort” nature arose from the fact that whether by some vagary of airflow from the front door or because of (slight) leakage round the edges of the single glazing, wafts of cigarette smoke found their way from time to time into the restaurant: singularly unpleasant to non-smoking diners, and especially those concerned that their young children aren’t subjected to health-damaging fumes.

Timbrell's Yard

The menu itself isn’t too extensive (a too-long menu is always a dangerous sign), yet still offers a good range of options, with starters broken into three sections of three items – “little things”, ”small plates and starters” and salads – the latter as either starter or main sizes. There are then a good range of nine main course choices, with a focus on meat but with some fresh fish and also more-interesting-than-usual vegetarian options. The sides all sounded extremely homely, comforting and tempting. The back of the menu lists suppliers – all very local, with meat from Bristol, fish from Poole, vegetables from Wiltshire and organic dairy products from near Frome. Bread and cakes are from Bath’s famed Bertinet Bakery, and Timbrell’s Yard make their own ice-creams; honey and most dry goods are local, while others are fair-trade. This all seemed jolly impressive, even before we tasted the goods on offer.

The wine list, on the other hand, was just slightly disappointing in that it doesn’t offer descriptions so appears rather basic, and although there are a reasonable number of red and white choices it would have been nice to see, for example, Gewurztraminer or some slightly more unusual grape varieties or locations.

We went for a bottle of Bogle Zinfandel, which was beautifully rich and powerful; dark purple in colour, with deep, ripe black berry fruits on the nose and a dark, suave and sophisticated taste of forests, with a tiny hint of sweetness tempering the blackness. A gorgeous wine that went very well with our food.

For starters both my husband and I went for one of the light bite options. My cauliflower and smoked Dorset red croquettes were excellent; with a spicy bite (I detected the inclusion of chilli), and a very strongly cheesy smoked flavour, these were gorgeously fluffy and light on the inside and beautifully crunchy on the outside with a perfectly-done breadcrumbed exterior. They were served with a creamy mayonnaise which was needed to cut through the salty smokiness and worked extremely well. Mr Marshall-Luck’s venison chipolatas were richly and darkly flavoured and, although they were not numerous, their intensity rendered the whole very satisfying, whilst leaving plenty of room for the steak to follow. The accompanying mushroom ketchup could have answered the venison more in piquancy, but was nevertheless well textured.

The following steak was superbly flavoured and cooked: some might find it a little on the fatty side but we found that this enhanced the flavour. Not only was it a generously sized steak, especially for the price and the cut, but it was accompanied by hand-cut chips – deliciously crunchy on the outside; melting within – and a simple rocket salad, which complemented the other items perfectly, being slightly peppery in flavour, and therefore holding its own against the steak, whilst in no sense overpowering it.

My lamb, cooked with pearl barley and spinach, was the only slightly disappointing dish: the meat was not particularly flavoursome, and the texture could have been firmer and more cohesive. The pearl barley was fine, but didn’t particularly help to lend flavour, and there could have been more presence in the spinach, too. Overall, we felt a little more work was needed on this dish.

Tristan, though still only a year old, nevertheless had the fillet of sea bream from the children’s menu. This came (served with rocket and a few chips) beautifully fresh and unadulterated by breadcrumbs (a pleasing touch), and was wolfed down with the greatest of relish.

We followed the main with a cheese course – one has a choice of two out of five English cheeses. We opted for the White Lady from Glastonbury and the Dorset Blue Vinny. The White Lady was the perfect goats’ cheese – a soft, creamy cheese coated in ash and with a delicate flavour and just slightly crumbling texture. I could have sat and eaten it all evening! The Blue Vinny was also excellent – a soft, creamy cheese with a piquant bite; these two were complemented by a deliciously fruity apple chutney, thinly sliced apple and celery, all of which, together with the accompanying savoury biscuits, made for a very satisfying course.

I couldn’t resist a glass of the Noble Wrinkled from Australia – a beautifully golden colour, sublime nose of fat, sun-drenched sultanas and a slightly dark, very rich and honeyed taste of citrus fruits tempered by lashings of honey and nectar. It worked beautifully both with the cheeses and with the following dessert. This, the chocolate and sea-salt caramel tart, was very well done, except that (an all-too-frequent complaint in British restaurants) the pastry was a little on the tough side. The chocolate, however, resisted the temptation to be too sweet and the sea salt brought out the flavour well. It was accompanied by extremely sticky honeycomb; a tried-and-tested combination with chocolate which brought an extra dimension to the dessert. The ice-cream, with a slight lemon flavour, was a little more incongruous but by no means unpleasant.

We also ordered a vanilla panacotta for Tristan. I cannot comment on this, as Tristan ate every last morsel, including with the very (and naturally) sweet rhubarb that it came with –but I think we can take this as a definite sign of approval.

We finished with tea and coffee and even this impressed. Tea was Clipper’s organic English Breakfast and very good it was too, whilst the coffee tended more towards the Germanic / Austrian end of the beverage – that is to say that it met my husband’s extremely high expectations, in being actually drinkable by him and not something that could pass for tepid dishwater. No petits fours – but, to be honest, these weren’t necessary and perhaps would have been slightly incongruous in the setting and with respect to the tone of the meal.

By the end of the meal we had managed to stay a good couple of hours later than intended (making for a relaxed evening of a good four-odd hours) – but we were never made to feel that we had out-stayed our welcome; it ended being one of the most enjoyable review meals we’d had for some time. Warmly recommended.

Em Marshall-Luck is QR’s Restaurant and Wine Critic

Posted in EpiQR, QR Home | Tagged , , | Leave a comment

Savouring Hillary’s Vow of Silence

Hillary_Clinton_official_Secretary_of_State_portrait_crop

Savouring Hillary’s Vow of Silence

Ilana Mercer waxes prophetic

The national media are sulking. Hillary Clinton won’t speak to them. But what is it about this power-hungry dirigista that the media don’t already know?

Prior to taking a vow of silence, Mrs. Clinton promised to make President Obama’s legislation by executive action with respect to immigration seem like child’s play; a “DREAMers” delight, if you will.

Where’s the mystery there?

Big Media know full well about—and have just about forgiven—Madam Secretary’s habit of conducting state affairs via private server, later scrubbed clean of unflattering or incriminating communications.

The same press corps knows that the Clinton Foundation, in which Mrs. Clinton is mired, is awash in funds from foreign governments and likely beholden to these patrons. Those so inclined can check out Charity Navigator. For all its billions, the Clinton Foundation doesn’t rate a mention by the eminent Charity rating service. “In 2013, a measly 9 percent of the money went to charity!” “Repulsive,” avers John Stossel.

Making community college “free” was another of Hillary’s brain infarcts, voiced in Monticello, Iowa, in March this year. “There’s something deeply wrong about students and their families needing to go into debt to finance a college education” were Mrs. Clinton’s semantic strokes of genius, disgorged during her first meet-and-greet, with members of the press (mainly).

What’s there to miss?

Didn’t we have The Same Talk (in the same place) back in April of 2012, about America’s next financial bubble in search of a pin, the $1 trillion student-loan debt? Campaigning in Iowa, Obama promised America’s mis-educated Millennials to keep the student-loan bubble from bursting. During his State of the Union address of January 2012, Barry Soetoro Frankenstein vowed to mandate yet more loans at fixed prices.

When it comes, will the media react with wonderment at Hillary’s “fresh” take on educational central planning and price fixing?

Not content with acquiring wealth through the dishonest, predatory process of politics (to contrast with the honest, productive, economic means of earning a living)—Hillary Clinton and husband have protected their ill-gotten gains from the taxman through trusts. These are “common among multimillionaires, and help shield some of their estate from the [inheritance] tax that now tops out at 40 percent of assets upon death.” “Among the tax advantages of such trusts,” attests BloombergBusiness, “is that any appreciation in the [asset’s] value can happen outside their taxable estate. The move could save the Clintons hundreds of thousands of dollars in estate taxes. …”

The height of Hillary’s hypocrisy, however, is that while she shields her own fortune from it, she recommended, during her last campaign, that estate taxes be further raised on Americans who’ve managed to amass more than $3.5 million.

“… Clinton supported making wealthier people pay more estate tax by capping the per-person exemption at $3.5 million and setting the top rate at 45 percent, a policy Obama still supports. Congress decided to go in the other direction and Obama went along as part of a broader compromise. The per-person exemption is now $5.34 million.”

A “wealth tax” is how Clinton has characterized the estate tax.

Clinton’s express “inspiration” as a future president is to “ensure that granddaughter Charlotte and her generation are provided equal opportunities to live up to their potential.” She said as much in April.

How do you imagine that will be accomplished, if not by the use of every illiberal power-tool in the leftist toolbox? Taking by force from some to give to others, creating new, unelected, oppressive agencies to carry out the new potentate’s plans, raising armies to march on noncompliant nations, on and on.

Hillary Clinton and her armory of future, repressive laws should be properly dubbed illiberal (stupid, too).

“A ‘rationale’ for running,” gushed one particular tele-tart named Poppy Harlow. She was raving about Mrs. Clinton’s “brilliant” plans to weave her tangled web for Charlotte.

To say you want to be president for the good of your granddaughter’s generations is not a rationale. Rather, it’s of a piece with the standard statement made by the low-IQ beauty queen: “I want to make the world a better place.” Except that a pretty girl with no ship-of-state to steer is far more likely to spread peace and happiness than a power-hungry, illiberal, brutal battle-axe like Hillary Clinton.

If only a woman with the wicked wit of a Margot Asquith—countess of Oxford, author and socialite (1864-1945)—were around to put slobbering Poppy Harlow in her proper place.

When asked by American actress Jean Harlow how she pronounces her first name, Mrs. Asquith quickly retorted: “The ‘t’ is silent, as in Harlow.”

For now, let us savor the silence from Hillary and her media harlots.

ILANA Mercer is a US-based, libertarian writer. She pens WND’s longest-standing, exclusive, paleolibertarian weekly column, “Return to Reason.” With a unique audience of 8 million, the site has been rated by Alexa as the most frequented “conservative” site on the Internet. Ilana has also featured on RT with the “Paleolibertarian Column,” and she contributes to Economic Policy Journal (the premier libertarian site on the web), Junge Freiheit, a German weekly of excellence, as well as to the British Libertarian Alliance and Quarterly Review (the celebrated British journal founded in 1809 by Walter Scott, Robert Southey and George Canning), where she is also contributing editor. Formerly syndicated by Creators Syndicate, Ilana is a fellow at the Jerusalem Institute for Market Studies (an award-winning, independent, non-profit, free-market economic policy think tank).

 

Posted in Current Affairs and Comment, QR Home | Tagged , , | Leave a comment

Mongolia, a Retrospect and Prospect

Mongolia, credit Pixabay

Mongolia, a Retrospect and Prospect

The Ethnic Conflict Information Centre analyses Mongolia’s balancing act

Mongolia is one of those semi-imaginary places that, like Timbuktu or the far side of the Moon, conjure up mental pictures of extreme remoteness and desolation. Of course, Mongolia is in reality very much a real place. Once the largest landlocked country in the world (a title it lost to Kazakhstan in 1991) modern Mongolia has only two neighbours. That these are Russia and China gives some indication of why Mongolia may become of significant geopolitical interest in the future.

Mongolia is an independent, democratic republic of some 604,000 square miles, but with a population of only 2.9 million. Around a million of these are nomadic, so the country has one of the lowest settled population densities in the world. It comprises those regions which, in Chinese nomenclature at least, were regarded as ‘Outer’ Mongolia: Inner Mongolia has tended to be less well defined politically, but can be taken to be those southern and eastern regions of Mongol inhabitation that lie closer to the Chinese centre.

The early Mongols were nomadic herders, horsemen and traders who periodically banded together into immense marauding confederations, with China being the traditional target for their depredations. China’s response to these attacks, including its construction of the Great Wall, is a recurring motif in Chinese history. In the 13th century, under Genghis Khan, the Mongols carved out the greatest land empire the world has ever seen. Khan, whose reputation has undergone a significant rehabilitation in recent years, bequeathed to the Mongolian people a code of law, a written language and a sense of national identity that endures to this day. His successors, however, were unable to maintain the unity of his empire and the subsequent history of Mongolia has generally been one of decline and a gradual sapping of military and political strength. During the 17th century what remained of independent Mongolia crumpled and in 1691 the whole country fell under the sway of the Manchu Qing Dynasty, which ruled until its collapse with the Chinese revolution of 1911 and the creation of the Republic of China.

For nationalists throughout the Chinese empire, the demise of the Qing Dynasty opened up the possibility of creating independent states. In Outer Mongolia, a confused period of fighting eventually saw the emergence of the Communist People’s Republic of Mongolia in 1921. Mongolian independence was generally recognized in 1924, but in reality the Mongolian state was a satellite barely distinguishable from a full Soviet republic and political development closely followed the Bolshevik pattern of forced land collectivization, the suppression of religious worship, and the liquidation of dissidents who favoured a line independent from that imposed by the Kremlin. An estimated 30,000 were murdered in 1936-7 as Stalin’s purges reached Mongolia.

Meanwhile, events in the nominally Chinese Inner Mongolian territories were greatly influenced by the overall weakness of the central Chinese government and by Japanese aspirations. Japan invaded and occupied Manchuria in north-eastern China, establishing in 1931 the puppet state of Manchukuo, while in 1936 the Inner Mongolian potentate Prince Da Wang declared the provinces under his control independent as ‘Mengjiang’. Japanese imperial policy favoured the establishment of a string of ‘independent’ client states on the Asian mainland that could be moulded into an ‘East Asian Co-Prosperity Sphere’ with their economic life geared to Tokyo’s needs. Da Wang’s Mengjiang fitted well into that strategy, and potentially offered the basis for further expansion into Outer Mongolia. To this end, a ‘Mengjiang National Army’ was created with Mongolian men and officers under the direction of the Kwantung, the autonomous Japanese army command that ran Manchukuo as virtually a private fiefdom.

Manchuko Imperial Army

Tensions soon flared between the Japanese and the USSR over the demarcation of the Manchukuo/Mongolia border, with the Japanese claiming that the Khalkhin Gol River represented the border, while the Mongolians and the Soviets argued that it lay further east. In May 1939 a Mongolian cavalry unit entered the disputed territory, where they were attacked by Manchukuoan cavalry and forced back across the river. Matters speedily escalated. In June the Kwantung staged an air strike against Soviet air bases in Mongolia (an action apparently not authorized by Tokyo) and at the end of the month launched a full assault. Fierce fighting ensued, but it became clear that the Japanese had severely overstretched themselves as well as suffering from defective intelligence concerning the scale of Soviet deployments. The Japanese were decisively defeated on 31 August 1939 – just a few hours before Germany, far to the west, invaded Poland.

Almost wholly forgotten in Western histories, Khalkhin Gol had profound implications for the course of the broader global conflict. Since the 1904-5 Russo-Japanese war, a significant divergence of opinion had emerged within the Japanese military as to the correct course of imperial policy. The first group, the ‘Strike North’ faction, favoured consolidating the gains of the 1904-5 war and envisaged the eventual subjugation of China, Mongolia and much of Siberia, securing vast swathes of territory rich in resources. This view remained in the ascendency in the 1930s as Japan successfully invaded and occupied first Manchuria and then parts of China proper, but as the decade progressed, hardening Chinese resistance and the massive costs of the colonial war raised increasing doubts as to its sustainability. The defeat at Khalkhin Gol put a decisive end to the Strike North policy and truncated the Kwantung’s prestige and influence within imperial strategy circles. Japan never again seriously threatened an attack on the Soviet Union. This meant that it was Germany, rather than the USSR, that eventually faced a war on two fronts. Equally importantly, the demise of the Strike North policy led to the adoption of the Navy’s rival ‘Strike South’ maritime strategy. Japan initially scored significant successes against the British and Dutch in the East Indies, but the fatal consequences of Japanese over-extension and the attack on Pearl Harbour are well known.

In the dying days of the Second World War, the USSR used Mongolia as the jumping-off point for ‘Operation Autumn Storm’ – its attack on Japanese occupied China. In August 1945 over 1.5 million Red Army troops crashed into Manchuria and Inner Mongolia, routing the Japanese. Soviet conquests did not, however, lead to the widespread annexation of territory, either by the People’s Republic of Mongolia or the USSR that might have been expected. Instead, in a spirit of solidarity with their Communist allies, the territories were handed over to the nascent People’s Republic of China, which consolidated its Inner Mongolian holdings into an Autonomous Region in 1947, forming a rough crescent around southern and eastern Mongolia.

In 1949 the People’s Republic of China formally renounced all territorial claims over Outer Mongolia, but Mongolia was unsuccessful in its attempts to maintain a neutral stance as Sino-Soviet relations deteriorated in the 1960s. Instead, Mongolia witnessed a massive build up of local Soviet forces, with the Mongolian armed forces becoming little more than an extension of the local Soviet command, and the mass expulsions of Chinese from the country. (Ironically, many of the Chinese had moved to Mongolia under Communist-sponsored ‘friendship and reconstruction’ programmes in the early 1950s.) Perestroika and the eventual collapse of the Soviet Union had much the effect on Mongolia that it had among the Soviet republics themselves. A managed transition from Communism to a multi-party market economy took place and a new constitution was introduced in 1992.

It will be seen from this canter through the regional history of the past 700 years that Mongolia has often been a key geopolitical concern to its neighbours. Equally, the ability of Mongolians themselves to sustain a genuinely independent foreign policy has been severely circumscribed by the relative strengths and ambitions of their neighbours. Today, Ulaanbaatar needs to keep a close eye on developments in Beijing and Moscow, while both China and Russia retain an acute awareness of their common far eastern border, the scene of tensions and actual clashes during the Sino-Soviet Cold War.

For Moscow, the problems of defending or economically developing the vast territories beyond the mountains surrounding Lake Baikal remain immense. For Beijing, the reverse is the case – the region is perilously close to the economically vital Chinese eastern seaboard, and modern China, with its land borders to the south and west relatively secure, is well aware of its historical weakness to invasion from the north – whether by the Mongols, the Japanese or the Russians. However, since the end of the Cold War and the economic rise of China, the balance of power in this region has drifted inexorably in Beijing’s favour. China enjoys a massive demographic advantage, and has actively encouraged the settlement of Chinese communities on the Russian side of the far eastern border, building up a potential client population buttressed by economic investment. Pessimists with long memories – and there are plenty of those in the Kremlin – may see in this process an echo, under Beijing’s auspices rather than Tokyo’s, of the imperialist strategy of the 1930s. In July 2008 China and Russia signed a regional agreement that reflected this imbalance. In addition to protocols on economic co-operation and development, Russia undertook to return to China the Yinlong Dao and Heixiazi Dao riverine islands, which Russia had held since 1945 and over which China and Russia had fought in 1968. As real estate, the islands are insignificant. But it is virtually without precedent for the Russians to voluntarily surrender any territory – particularly over which blood has been spilled – and their willingness to do so on this occasion clearly demonstrates Moscow’s growing vulnerability to Chinese pressure.

It may also be significant that Moscow received only lukewarm support from the Shanghai Cooperation Organization, the security and development group linking Russia, China and the Central Asian states, for its 2008 recognition of the breakaway South Ossetian and Abkhazian republics in Georgia. ‘Separatism’ is one of the ‘three evils’ (the others being terrorism and extremism) that the Shanghai Cooperation Organization specifically opposes. In Chinese Inner Mongolia, a number of small groups exist calling for independence and there are undoubtedly also irredentist supporters who favour unification with ‘Outer’ Mongolia. (There is even at least one internet group that favours the restoration of Manchukuo.) As in other outlying territories of China, such as Tibet and Xinjiang, these factions argue that Beijing’s rule is essentially colonial, involving the exploitation of local resources and the in-migration of economically dominant Han Chinese settlers to create client communities and undermine local culture. The proportion of ethnic Mongolians within Inner Mongolia is only around 14%, but the Mongolian population of China in total considerably outnumbers that of Mongolia itself, and Beijing certainly does not want them to start drawing any inferences from the South Ossetian precedent.

Faced with the challenge of maintaining independence while sandwiched between two of the world’s great powers, neither of which have shown themselves in the past to be over-encumbered with scruples surrounding the rights of sovereign nations, the Mongolians have played the limited cards at their disposal with some originality and subtlety. Economically, Mongolia’s strongest ties are inevitably with China and Russia, but it has also courted investment from Japan, South Korea and the United States, and in 1997 was admitted to the World Trade Organization. In international diplomacy, Mongolia has similarly sought a balanced and pro-active approach in pursuit of the Government’s aim of an “independent, open and multi-prop (sic) foreign policy”. Central to this strategy is the ‘third neighbour’ policy under which Mongolia carefully nurtures its relationships with countries other than Russia and China. So, while retaining cordial relations with both its geographical neighbours, with each of whom it has signed aTreaty of Friendly Relations and Cooperation’, Mongolia unequivocally condemned the 9/11 terrorist attacks on the United States and supported the subsequent US-led ‘war on terror’. In 2003, Ulaanbaatar hosted the Fifth International Conference of New or Restored Democracies, at which over a hundred countries were represented. In the following year, Mongolia was invited to become a partner nation at the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe, while also becoming the first observer nation in the Shanghai Cooperation Organization.

Mongolia’s leaders also see the military as a resource for bolstering the country’s overall international standing. Looked at from a purely defence standpoint, it is clear that no conventional military build-up would ever be sufficient to counter or seriously deter an aggressor. But Ulaanbaatar has consciously used its armed forces in other ways: to modify Clausewitz, Mongolia has developed a doctrine that peacekeeping is diplomacy by other means. Mongolian forces have contributed to internationally sponsored peacekeeping activities in Ethiopia/Eritrea, Afghanistan, Sierra Leone, Iraq, Liberia, Kosovo, Georgia, Western Sahara, Darfur, Congo, Chad, and, most recently, a self-standing operation in support of the UN in South Sudan. Although the actual numbers of troops deployed is of necessity quite low, this is nonetheless a very impressive record. Indeed, apart from the ‘usual suspects’ of the larger NATO states, it is unlikely that many countries have been involved in more international interventions. Nor is Mongolian involvement mere tokenism; the robustness and professionalism of the Mongolian solider has earned them the respect of representatives of much larger powers and, for example in Afghanistan, the very obsolescence of Mongolia’s Soviet weaponry was turned to good advantage as the Mongolians proved to have unique practical experience in keeping operational the vintage Warsaw Pact kit used by the Afghan army.

A highlight of the ‘third neighbour’ policy is Mongolian sponsorship of Exercise Khaan Quest, a grandstand event in the US-managed Global Peace Operations Initiative. At the inaugural event in August 2006, held at Ulaanbaatar and the Five Hills Training Area in Tavan Tolgol province, forces from six nations received training in peacekeeping operations, including tactical operations designed to test international communications, interoperability, and their ability to respond to humanitarian and civil infrastructural needs. Successfully participating units were awarded ‘Training Recognition’ by the United Nations. Six hundred and fifty Mongolian soldiers participated, supported by around 500 troops from other nations, around half of them American. Apart from its practical benefits in the training of international peacekeeping forces, Exercise Khaan Quest, which is now an annual event, undoubtedly contributes beneficially to US/Mongolian diplomatic relations.

Whether Mongolia’s diplomatic balancing act proves adequate to the task of preventing the nation being sucked into the orbit of one or other of its neighbours remains to be seen. Current Kremlin strategy in Georgia and Ukraine looks very much like an attempt to re-create, however incompletely, the system of buffer states that defended the old Soviet Union. This in turn may lead Moscow to cast a renewed and covetous eye on Mongolia as a potential lever in its relationship with Beijing. Equally, the failure of the United States to protect its Georgian or Ukrainian allies does not set a comfortable precedent for Mongolia’s ability to call on practical support from Washington should Moscow – or Beijing – seek to re-assert its hegemony. That aside, the Mongolian military’s current role, of enhancing national standing while seeking to positively contribute to international security, is surely an honourable one for any soldier. Whether Genghis Khan – a shrewd diplomat when the circumstances demanded – would approve we cannot judge, but Mongolia’s very modern experiment in military diplomacy surely deserves sympathetic attention.

Ethnic Conflict Information Centre (www.ethnic-conflict.info)

Posted in Cultural Matters, QR Home | Tagged , , , | 5 Comments

ENDNOTES: From first to last night

Sir Simon Rattle

Sir Simon Rattle

ENDNOTES: From first to last night

Stuart Millson looks forward to the Proms

ENDNOTES, June 2015

In this edition: BBC launches its Proms programme for 2015 * Sir Andrew Davis conducts the enigmatic Charles Ives * Tasmin Little soars in Schubert * Simon Callaghan records Preludes and Variations by a lesser-known English composer * Leon McCawley performs Rachmaninov.

The April launch of the BBC’s Proms prospectus is always a much looked-forward-to event. My own Proms programmes (preserved in cardboard boxes and plastic folders) go back as far as 1981 – and I fondly recall their old design: a humour-filled illustration of the Royal Albert Hall, with Beethoven and his ear-trumpet, and Wagner peering at us from beside the Hall. The great Berlioz operatic work, The Trojans, was performed in 1982, which prompted the programme illustrator to include the legendary Trojan Horse on the cover, being pulled into the hall by a line of straining prommers. Today, the programmes have a softer, perhaps more surreal style of artwork – the idea being to let one’s imagination run riot, and (to quote the old slogan of BBC Radio 3), to “3 your mind”! Proms 2015 certainly achieves this, with a theme of music for all – a very important idea in this age when so many people, young people especially, have little or no exposure to classical music. (A strange thing, given the instant availability of music of all kinds, across so many media.)

The Proms season runs from July until September, culminating in the famous Last Night, which this year sees the return of Marin Alsop, the Baltimore-based conductor who became the first woman to raise a baton at an event often perceived as a bastion of old traditions and avuncular conductors – who try to keep (to some degree) a lid on the uproarious, cathartic grand finale. But for the final night to mean anything, the whole season has to be savoured, and there are – what promise to be – many exciting evenings ahead, with visiting orchestras (the Vienna Philharmonic and Sir Simon Rattle in Elgar’s The Dream of Gerontius), and symphonies by Sibelius, Mahler and Bruckner. Attempts have been made to reach out to people who would not normally go to the proms, a process which began in previous years with an “urban prom” (something which does not necessarily engage the core audience) and an evening with the 1980s’ pop group, The Pet Shop Boys, who, it must be said, did write for the Proms an original and creative “serious” work, The Man from the Future.

Despite raising some eyebrows and provoking accusations of “dumbing down”, the inclusion of non-classical music is, in fact, nothing new. In the Glock era, Soft Machine played at an experimental prom, and in 1983, I attended an all-night concert of Indian music – which followed a performance by Bernard Haitink and the Royal Concertgebouw Orchestra, Amsterdam, of Bruckner’s Ninth Symphony, which the composer dedicated to God. Although separate concerts, the Bruckner (which ended at about 9.30pm), and the Indian “Rags at Midnight” (which concluded at about seven the next morning) proved that music can bring a common, universal spirituality. But there must be a definition to life, and the BBC needs to think carefully: is the all-important need to reach out offering some factions in the artistic establishment the chance to blur the distinction between classical (broadly Western, and mainly “serious”) and styles of music which offer their audience a quite different type of experience? “It’s all music, it’s all valuable…” argue the egalitarians. It would be a pity, if at some point in the future, the Proms became simply a platform, or mash-up for all styles of music. After all, jazz, heavy metal, Rock, rap et al define themselves strongly by name and style: classical music (an imprecise, but still useful term) does the same for us. Long may Sir Henry Wood’s statue look down upon the platform at the Royal Albert Hall – at orchestras, choirs and opera companies… with the occasional foray into something quite different.

From his debut in Verdi’s Requiem at a Prom in 1970, to his famous bow at the end of his tenure with the BBC Symphony Orchestra some 30 years later, Sir Andrew Davis has become one of those Proms elder statesmen – joining the gallery of other musical knights, Sargent, Boult, Groves, Mackerras, Pritchard. (Nor must we forget the non-knights of the recent Proms past: Norman Del Mar, and that great Scot, James Loughran – who, with his wit and true stage-presence, was one of the best Last Night master of ceremonies we have ever had.)

Sir Andrew Davis returns to the Proms on occasions, and these days is increasingly associated with the Chandos Records catalogue. For one of his recent releases, Sir Andrew is in Melbourne, with the city’s very fine-sounding orchestra; bringing to life the music of that enigmatic American semi-amateur composer, Charles Ives (1874-1954) – on this CD, his first two symphonies. Ives seemed to belong to the world of small-town America – white weatherboarded houses in towns with wide thoroughfares and leafy avenues. Perhaps his most famous composition is Three Places in New England; a haunting score which goes far beyond any picturesque tone-painting, and takes us into a sound-world of shadows and unexpected tonalities. Ives could almost be the American Mahler – as spectral landscapes give way to the crashings and bangings of marching bands, which in turn disappear into what might be an almost religious limbo of unanswered questions.

Church and Autumn Leaves

Late-19th and turn-of-the-century America – presided over by that venerable academic and organist – Horatio Parker, had yet to develop a truly local or national style; Parker being a firm believer in the solid certainties of the European romantic movement. (It was Parker who thundered out on the Yale organ Land of Hope and Glory, in honour of Elgar’s United States visit, and who felt that even the all-American Ives should write as if he were at the Queen’s Hall or Cologne). But we should not complain about Parker’s solid old-world style, for in the Charles Ives symphonies, their compelling moments of drama and generally flowing feel (yes, reminiscent of Bruckner or Schumann) a new-world school of music is in the making. Hints of the Ives that we know are also present in the scores, as one Brucknerian ending seems almost disrupted by the sudden arrival (an out-of-step percussive march) of an over-enthusiastic town band. The listener can almost “see” the American hearties in their baseball caps and boaters on the Fourth of July! As always, the Chandos sound is exceptional. This is a recording that is well worth exploring.

Another Chandos artist of great note (and notes) is Tasmin Little. This column has celebrated her work many times, not least her definitive recordings of Elgar, Britten, Moeran and Walton. I would venture to say that her version of the Walton Violin Concerto is the best on record. But this time, we find Tasmin in the chamber world of Franz Schubert (1797-1828). Her accompanists are Tim Hugh, cello, and pianist, Piers Lane – who play the sublime Sonata, D 821 ‘Arpeggione’ of 1824, and join Tasmin in the posthumously recognised and numbered Adagio Op. 148, (written in the last year of the composer’s short life). The cerebral, sweet-sounding music of Schubert is made for the intimacy of small-scale settings – the pathos and good nature, and perfect tunes, of his sonatas finding their ideal interpreters in the Chandos performing team. Listen carefully in the second movement of the Sonata No. 1, Op. 137: here is music, which whilst not being exactly melancholy, generates a feeling of rest and reflection – the sun on a summer’s day obscured by misty clouds – only to be reinvigorated by the third movement, which seems to start immediately, with a new view and mood, carrying you away back to purpose and a jollier frame of mind. Chandos records the sounds of the instruments, almost as if being able to bottle spring air or capture reflected light from cut-glass crystal. Effortless performances (this may be a clichéd phrase) but the CD generates a mood of wellbeing; using three musicians who simply have to spin the potter’s wheel in order to create out of nothing, something of great beauty – including those earnest and bold phrases of Schubert which are often found in his symphonies. Not even these moments sound forced or hard-edged.

Recorded at the Old Granary Studios, Suffolk in the late August of last year, pianist Simon Callaghan – very much a new figure, and force, in recording and performance – has sought out, not easy repertoire or a name we know, but the complicated and almost unknown figure of Roger Sacheverell Coke. (Regular readers may recall our review of Coke’s music on the English Music Festival label, EM Records.) Coke was born in 1912, his family claiming lineage to the Plantagenet dynasty. His social position, whilst not exactly aristocratic (although semi-upper-class) was unencumbered by the usual demands of making money or earning one’s keep, and so Coke devoted himself to music – even producing a Shelley-based opera, which was decried by the musical press. The poor reaction to his work, his heavy-smoking, depression and accompanying disorders all combined to undermine this artist, and bury him in the far-flung reaches of musical history. Although achieving a measure of recognition at some points in his career, this essentially gloomy romantic found himself buried by the post-war musical establishment, keen as it was to embrace the continental, the avant-garde, the decidedly atonal. Not for them the two sets of 24 Preludes (Opp. 33 & 34) and 15 Variations (Op. 37) which Simon Callaghan has recorded for Somm: a testament to Coke’s very real and vivid creative strengths – an intense, often nocturnal inward-looking impressionism – which might lead the listener to think that an English Rachmaninov has been rediscovered.

There is a famous photograph, taken in the Proms days of Sir Henry Wood, of the conductor shaking hands with the original, wholly Russian Rachmaninov, after what must have been a dazzling performance before the London prommers. (Let us not forget that Wood brought Debussy, Delius, Berg and Rachmaninov to our concert-halls – the modern music of its day.) A romantic and an exile from his beloved homeland, Rachmaninov’s music seems to breathe the cold winds of Russian forests and lakes, and a sense of heartache, of loneliness, of a man longing for something which cannot be put into words – only music. His famously sad, lyrical but embracing Vocalise; the endless heartfelt depths and storytelling of the mighty Second Symphony; the strange, midnight atmosphere of the Symphonic Dances; the Gurrelieder-like opening of his canata, Spring – all contain the essence, or at least, a side of the composer’s character.

Written at different times of his life, Rachmaninov’s Preludes (24 in total) are an exploration of all the possibilities of the musical keys, and are – in piano form – a clear summation of everything for which the composer stands. In other words, if all the symphonies and the piano concertos were lost for all time, the 24 Preludes would still give the listener in some future barren world a connection to the heart of the Russian romantic master.

The international prize-winning pianist, Leon McCawley (also a Leeds prize-winner) has given us – via the recording facilities of Somm Records – one of the finest interpretations of Rachmaninov anyone could wish for; making the listener feel as though the Preludes were a single sequence, written at one time – such is the integrity and cohesion of McCawley’s interpretive vision and dedication. It could be said that the over-exposure of Rachmaninov’s Second Piano Concerto, or his Rhapsody on a Theme of Paganini, has taken us away from the “pure” essence of the composer – something which the Preludes seem to embody and exude. Perhaps, as a result of the achievement of Leon McCawley, audiences and CD buyers may be able to see another facet of a figure with whom we thought we were familiar.

Leon McCawley

Leon McCawley

As a final point, I would like to quote a small part of Robert Matthew-Walker’s immensely informative programme notes (for the Somm CD of Sacheverell Coke). It has a great deal of relevance for us, bringing together a view of the reputations of two romantic composers, and illustrating why “musical correctness” and the official view may not always serve the truth about the work of so many composers…

“…by the dawn of the 1960s the tide had turned against late-romanticism which Coke’s musical language maintained – one has only to consider the deplorable entry on Rachmaninoff [their spelling] one of the notable disfigurements of the fifth edition of Grove’s Dictionary of 1954 – and the time could not have been worse for the unveiling of the magnum opus of a composer [Coke] who was perceived to be eminently backward-looking and not even fully competent in his technique.”

The Quarterly Review would like to pay tribute to the life and work of Brian Couzens (1933-2015), the founder of Chandos Records. Launched in 1979, this proudly independent label came to prominence in the early 1980’s with its recordings of British music. A memorial service in Wivenhoe, North Essex, commemorated the passing of this remarkable and dedicated figure, who pioneered so much within the recording industry.

STUART MILLSON is the Classical Music Editor of Quarterly Review

Next time – we bring you reviews from the ninth English Music Festival, and of many distinguished new CD releases.

Posted in ENDNOTES:Music, QR Home | Tagged , , , , , , | Leave a comment

Pamela Geller offends ‘Sharia’ media

Pamela Geller

Pamela Geller offends ‘Sharia’ media

Ilana Mercer defends the WND columnist

Sandhya SomethingOrAnother is a “social change” reporter for The Washington Post. (Yes, the WaPo has such a beat.) Ms. Somashekhar (her surname copied and pasted) implied that WND columnist Pamela Geller ought to repent for staging a Muhammad Art Exhibit and Cartoon Contest in Garland, Texas, an event that was briefly attended by two, uninvited ISIS-Americans. Sandhya must have been angry because she called Geller, in error, “a housewife from Long Island.” Progressives don’t much like housewives.

Like most Geller haters, Somashekhar (her name copied and pasted) cited the Southern Poverty Law Center as her “scholarly” source for Geller’s hatefulness. The SPLC is a “leftist vigilante group,” explained Paul Gottfried, a real scholar. It is “unmistakably totalitarian in the drive to suppress and destroy deviationists from the party line on race, gender, and ‘discrimination.’” The southern-poverty-law-center is as dodgy in its financial dealings as it is in its strong-arming tactics.

“Stupid,” ruled a less obscure enforcer of political correctness, Bill O’Reilly, on Geller’s event. Also at Fox News, host Martha MacCallum suggested Geller ought to have explored kinder, gentler ways of protesting Islam-imposed restrictions on expression.

Pantomime, perhaps?

The left-liberal Jon Stewart took the safe route. The idiotic urge to kill over any annoyance was the object of the satirist’s spoof. Stewart’s Thou Shall Not Kill skit was hardly cutting-edge comedy. So he livened up the tired shtick with a curtsy in the direction of the Prophet’s avengers. Geller’s group, The American Freedom Defense Initiative, was about hate speech, warned Stewart.

The biggest clown in the media circus, however, was TV anchor Chris Cuomo. While Geller staged her vital challenge in private, Cuomo, a lawyer, flaunted his “smarts” in public. He tweeted that “hate speech” was unprotected by the Constitution. Not everyone was speechless. Another of CNN’s commentators, Alisyn Camerota, stood squarely in the corner of the victims: those poor ISIS-Americans whose descent into hell was hastened by a guard at Geller’s Garland cartoon contest

It was difficult to tell what it was about Pamela Geller’s position on impolite and impolitic speech—echoed in the 1st Amendment in the Bill of Rights—that so puzzled Camerota. Brow furrowed, she battled to score points against Geller, in an exchange that was more amusing than the Mayweather-Pacquiao match. Camerota came short.

ISIS and its local, low IQ Abduls have since vowed to kill Pamela and anyone who shields her. Duly, Fox News’ Greta Van Susteren worried about the welfare of … law enforcement. Greta accused Geller of jeopardizing her security detail’s safety. How’s that for ridiculous? First, it is not Geller who is endangering the police; it’s those who would kill her for the words she mouths. Second, protection of an innocent citizen’s life, liberty and property is the one legitimate function of government. Besides which Geller’s organization paid thousands out-of-pocket for protection.

THE FRENCH CONNECTION

Easily the most contemptible of Geller’s critics was a fellow called Jean-Baptiste Thoret, a film critic for the Charlie Hebdo magazine.

When Islamists hit Charlie Hebdo’s Paris headquarters, slaughtering a dozen of its cartoonists, the world, left and right, came out in support. When two ISIS-Americans stormed the Curtis Culwell Center in Garland this month Jean-Baptiste, however, came out post-haste to distance the Hebdo from the Geller cartoons.

From his affected conversation with broadcaster Charlie Rose—Jean-Baptiste is French and has little to no English—one gleaned that he believed the sexualized, infantile, witless depictions of the Prophet, produced by the Hebdo crowd, were clever. Conversely, Geller’s exhibit was unintelligent. Or so this fool implied.

Anyone who’s been made to watch a French film, serious or satirical, knows that the French have no sense of humor or irony. The last truly funny comedian to have made merry in France lived in the 17th century. He, too, was Jean-Baptiste: Jean-Baptiste Poquelin, aka Molière. To get a feel for what has since become of French comedy, watch Louis de Funès, whom the French consider a comedic giant. Even your typically humorless Hebdo cartoon—take the one in which the contours of Muhammad’s turban resemble his bare buns, accompanied by the caption, “And my butt, you like my butt?”—is wittier than Louis de Funès’ oeuvre.

Alluding to the intelligence with which Hebdo does commentary, Jean-Baptiste and pal Gerard Biard rejected any parallels between Charlie Hebdo’s defiance of Islamic blasphemy laws and Geller’s defiance of the same laws.

French cerebral agility is clearly as keen as French humour.

THE RED CONNECTION 

During the communist era, certain, ever-accreting categories of people were deemed unworthy of personhood.

True right wingers—members of the ancien régime, the clergy, the aristocracy, the bourgeois, the business and professional communities—they were “taken out of circulation” early on in the Bolshevik Revolution. Once the Right had been eliminated, during the Great Terror (1936-38), “right-winger” became synonymous with Communists who harbored too great an affinity for the peasantry (in other words, were insufficiently enthusiastic about collectivisation, and might have overseen the recrudescence of capitalistic practices (namely, making a living).

Maoist society, as “The Black Book of Communism” illustrates, promoted the “binary division between ‘red’ categories, such as workers, poor peasants, medium peasants, party cadres … martyrs of the revolution; and ‘black’ categories, such as landowners, rich peasants, counterrevolutionaries, ‘evil elements,’ and right-wingers. The labels stuck no matter what one did later. Even after an official rehabilitation, a right-winger would remain a target for mass campaigns and would never have the right to return to the city. … ” (P. 486)

Broadly speaking, American civil and political society privileges radical left-liberalism. To be of the Left is to be in the cool kids’ corner. Distilled, the double standard toward what is perceived as rightist speech (Geller’s) and left-wing freedom of expression (Hebdo’s) is, in my opinion, a holdover construct of communism.

ILANA Mercer is a US-based, libertarian writer. She pens WND’s longest-standing, exclusive, paleolibertarian weekly column, “Return to Reason.” With a unique audience of 8 million, the site has been rated by Alexa as the most frequented “conservative” site on the Internet. Ilana has also featured on RT with the “Paleolibertarian Column,” and she contributes to Economic Policy Journal (the premier libertarian site on the web), Junge Freiheit, a German weekly of excellence, as well as to the British Libertarian Alliance and Quarterly Review (the celebrated British journal founded in 1809 by Walter Scott, Robert Southey and George Canning), where she is also contributing editor. Formerly syndicated by Creators Syndicate, Ilana is a fellow at the Jerusalem Institute for Market Studies (an award-winning, independent, non-profit, free-market economic policy think tank).

Posted in Current Affairs and Comment, QR Home | Tagged , , , , , | Leave a comment

Living in the shadow of fascism

Wladyslaw Sikorski

Wladyslaw Sikorski

Living in the shadow of fascism

Mark Wegierski considers the ideological consequences of the Second World War

Seventy years after its end, World War II continues to shape the world. One of its main ideological results was the general discrediting of Western traditionalism and the delegitimizing of the possibilities of a “democratic Right” — or of a “social conservatism of the Left” — that is to say, various possible symbioses of traditionalism and liberal democracy.

Although it may seem quite remote from many persons (especially young people) today, we are in fact living in the shadow of the anti-traditionalist consequences of the Second World War. Recoiling from the horrors of Nazism, an evil ideology that was buried in the rubble of Berlin, Western countries such as Canada have reacted viscerally against anything that smacks of “right-wing” or “traditional” notions (albeit often misconceived and caricatured) with the result that an almost continual, uninterrupted, unremitting left-liberal surge has overtaken those societies.

Indeed, countries such as Canada today are on the “cutting edge” of late modernity. Canada is increasingly becoming a nation without history, or historical memory. Lacking a context or mooring in a richly textured sense of history, most Canadians today are cast adrift on an ever-thinning, improvisational present moment, driven by consumerism, pop-culture, and a few “politically correct” clichés about the past.

As a person of Polish descent who has studied history extensively, the author hopefully has a certain insight into totalitarianism – whether of the Nazi, Soviet, or politically-correct left-liberal variety. Although the latter is ostensibly non-violent and does not produce mounds of corpses – it is extremely thoroughgoing in the upholding and imposition of its ideas, as well as being what its critics would call “soul-killing”. And some would indeed cite the vast number of abortions in current-day Western societies as suggestive of actual mass-killing. As J.R.R. Tolkien has acutely observed — “evil always takes on another shape and grows again.”

The new evil was not only the manifest cruelty of the Soviet empire, to which East-Central Europe had been notoriously betrayed, but also a rising miasma of trends and tendencies that would eventually drive most Western countries into a socially disintegrative mode. Three major prophets of this new mode were Dr. Kinsey (who — according to perceptive critics like Judith Reisman — manifestly misrepresented the reality of sexual behavior in an attempt to create the very tendencies he purported to describe); Dr. Spock (who introduced highly distempering errors into the understanding of how to raise children); and Dr Timothy Leary (the Sixties’ guru and “youth drug culture” advocate).

Alfred Charles Kinsey

Alfred Charles Kinsey

Although many European patriots, conservatives, and traditionalists had fiercely opposed Nazi Germany, as of 1945, the entire “right-wing option” stood discredited in the eyes of the broad masses of most Western countries. In today’s world, those who continue to hold the ideals of such World War II heroes as Winston Churchill, Charles de Gaulle, or Wladyslaw Sikorski (the preeminent leader of the Polish Government-in-Exile and Commander-in-Chief of the Polish armed forces in the West) are often considered retrograde reactionaries.

Sikorski, McNaughton, Churchill, de Gaulle

Sikorski, McNaughton, Churchill, de Gaulle

It is possible to see the respective histories of a country like Poland since September 1939 (the beginning of an ongoing calamity for that nation whose consequences continue even to this day) and Canada since the 1960s as being tragic in the case of Poland and tinged with tragedy in the case of Canada — owing in both cases to forces, which although apparently dissimilar, often end up being quite alike in their disdain for living, breathing, actual societies and peoples.

Many Western countries such as Canada – under the direction of their “politically-correct” elites (or pseudo-elites) — appear to have lost their confidence and their belief in them selves. They have embraced low birthrates, and high immigration policies, which, when coupled with the refusal to exert meaningful assimilatory pressures on the new immigrants, may indeed render these countries long term future increasingly problematic. What may be particularly troubling is the unidirectional nature of developments such as social liberalism, multiculturalism, and high immigration, all of which tend in one direction, i.e., towards the ever-increasing subversion of traditional society.

Indeed, it did not take too long for the Left’s “long march through the institutions” to get underway. During one year at the alleged height of “McCarthyism” in the United States, a young William F. Buckley, Jr. went around talking to thousands of professors in the social sciences and humanities at prestigious U.S. universities. Only two or three actually admitted to being “conservative” and that was at the height of the “reactionary Fifties”! What may be concluded from this is that, in almost every sector of society, left-liberalism has been winning one spectacular victory after another, rapidly pushing further and further into all areas of social terrain. Authentic traditionalist conservatism in the U.S., but especially so in Canada, has, despite some apparent electoral successes, been run ragged for at least the last quarter century. As to the outlook for some parts of Western Europe, it is evidently dystopic indeed.

The only exception to this appears to be the economic sector. However, it should be understood that, with their manifest social prevalence in educational, academic, media, cultural, judicial, and administrative sectors, especially in Canada, left-liberals can well allow the existence of a large, dynamic private sector that functions to efficiently produce the economic goods that they want to give to themselves and to their client-groups. There is also a major difference between social conservatism (emphasizing family, nation, local communities, and traditional religion), and fiscal/economic conservatism. If one looks closely enough, one can see that fiscal/economic conservatism alone can, in fact, coexist with varieties of left-liberalism (as typified by the many technocrats in the Canadian Liberal Party today). And, while the Canadian Liberal Party held the federal government for many decades of the Twentieth Century, it embraced, for most of that time, what could be called a “traditionalist-centrist” consensus. So-called “right-wing Liberals” (such as John Turner, who invoked residues of a more substantive Canadian patriotism in his resistance to the Canada – U.S. Free Trade deal), as well as “social conservative” Liberals, had fragmentarily persisted into the later decades of the Twentieth Century. However, by today, it is manifestly clear that such residual tendencies in the Canadian Liberal Party are being driven out, especially social conservatism.

It may also be noted that such parties as the Co-operative Commonwealth Federation (the predecessor to today’s ultra-politically-correct New Democratic Party in Canada) were social democratic in economics, but mostly socially conservative on issues of family, nation, and religion. Some of these residues may be considered to have persisted in the NDP’s criticisms of globalization, and their stated concern for “average, ordinary Canadians”.

As for today’s Conservative Party, it in fact appears to have embraced fiscal/economic conservatism as virtually the sole “permissible” manifestation of conservatism. The leadership of the party has been running away from any overt manifestations of social conservatism.

We have come to a social environment in Canada today where any more substantive notions of traditionalism and conservatism, have been purged with particular thoroughness from the academic world – as well as from the education system and from most of the news media, and from both high- and pop-culture. And, for a number of decades now, it could be perceived that the Canadian administrative and juridical structures have been deployed mostly on behalf of left-liberalism. The result of this is that conservative and traditionalist ideas, especially those embracing a more substantive patriotism, are usually only inchoately expressed, in an untutored fashion, by some of the general populace, and so can be easily subjected to pejorative scorn and discredited.

The question that now faces Canada is sharp. Is it going to be “politics-as-usual”, a continuing slide in the direction the country has been going for at least the last thirty years, or will there be a belated attempt to generate some real countervailing tendencies – such as an attempt to tame the excesses of multiculturalism and of social and cultural anomie? It is possible that an uninterrupted continuation of the slide will result, in the next twenty to forty years (a mere sliver of time in terms of world-history), in the almost-inevitable social and cultural dissolution of Canada.

MARK WEGIERSKI is a Toronto-based writer and historical researcher

 

Posted in Current Affairs and Comment, QR Home | Tagged , , , , | Leave a comment

History through a glass darkly

King speaking

History through a glass darkly

Robert Henderson is simultaneously bored and exasperated by a sanitised depiction of Martin Luther King, Jnr.

Selma

Main cast:

David Oyelowo as Martin Luther King, Jr.
Tom Wilkinson as Lyndon B. Johnson
Carmen Ejogo as Coretta Scott King
Dylan Baker as J. Edgar Hoover
Tim Roth as George Wallace

Director Ava DuVernay

Selma is the latest in an ever-lengthening list of propaganda films in the politically correct interest. It is Alabama 1965. Martin Luther King is already internationally famous after his “I have a dream” speech in 1963 and the award of the Nobel Peace prize in 1964. The Civil Rights Act of 1964 is meeting with resistance and black voters are finding they still cannot register to vote because of the application of local electoral regulations in ways that are comically restrictive. King goes to the city of Selma with a clutch of supporters from the Southern Christian Leadership Conference (SCLC) to protest about this thwarting of the law, but their attempts to help blacks register in the city fail. As a consequence a protest march from Selma to Montgomery, the Alabama state capital, is planned. The first march is stopped brutally, the second aborted by King and the third allowed to happen.

That is the skeleton of the film. There is precious little solid dramatic flesh put on the skeleton. To be brutally frank Selma is boring. It is too wordy, too cluttered with characters, too didactic and unremittingly earnest. These are qualities guaranteed to lose any cinema audience. The problem is particularly acute when, as here, there is a large cast. Disputes and debates between King and his supporters or between King and the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee (SNCC) are so extended and detailed that anyone not familiar with the story would not know what to make of it and, in any case, as anyone who has ever been involved with an ideologically driven political group will be only too aware, of little interest to anyone who has not been captured by the ideology. Reflecting life too exactly on film is not always the best way to keep people’s attention. Propaganda films do not have to be boring, although they often are. The black director Spike Lee would surely have made a much less sprawling and vastly more watchable film whilst keeping the ideological message.

MLK and Malcolm X

MLK and Malcolm X

There is also a woeful and wilful lack of historical context. This one has at its core a vision of wicked Southern good ol’ boys oppressing blacks. White involvement is restricted to racists with a penchant for violence, a few white sympathisers with the civil rights movement who appear peripherally, adorned with looks of sublimely smug unquestioning utopian naivety not seen on film since the initial sighting of a hippy commune in Easy Rider. Lyndon Johnson is shown as sympathetic to King’s views but not interested enough to risk his political future by wholeheartedly embracing the legislation that King says is necessary. There is no attempt to see things from the viewpoint of the whites who opposed integration, unlike, for example, a film such as In the Heat of the Night in which Rod Steiger’s sheriff attempts to explain why whites in the South are as they are because of their circumstances, citing for example, their widely held and not unreasonable fear that a black population which has been suppressed may turn on whites. Instead Selma just rushes in and points the finger of moral shame at any white who does not uncritically embrace what King advocates with a complete disregard of the fact that every human being, morally and sociologically, has to start from the situation into which they are born.

The concentration of the film on a specific time and place is also problematic, because King’s ideological career was a far more complex thing than the film can show. It also removes the embarrassment which would have hung around a straightforward biopic of King, such as the plagiarism which gained him a doctorate and his marginalisation as a civil rights leader which eventually saw him reduced to going to support sewage workers at the time of his assassination. Mention is made of his gross womanising, but only in the context of a sex tape recorded by the FBI that was sent to King’s wife Cora. The fact that some who were close to him said he had a particular liking for white women – which could be taken as evidence of racism in King if his motive was to revenge himself on whites by abusing their women – goes unmentioned. Indeed, it is rather odd that a man as celebrated as King is in the USA and with a worldwide reputation should never have had a full-blown biopic. Perhaps the answer is that King’s private life was too messy to deal with in a film depicting his entire public life rather than a short period of it devoted to a specific subject.

Martin Luther King Jr and Coretta Scott King

Martin Luther King Jr and Coretta Scott King

More importantly the tight focus in Selma means that the fifty odd years since Selma go unexamined. No honest person would deny that the position of blacks in the USA and particularly those in the Old South was demeaning at the beginning of the 1960s, but is what has replaced segregation and Jim Crow laws really that much better for most blacks or, perhaps more pertinently, anywhere near what King hoped would happen? Perhaps the answer to the first question is a tepid yes, at least for blacks who have benefitted from “positive discrimination”, but it has to be an unequivocal no to the latter. Segregation by choice has replaced segregation by law. Illegitimacy and crime amongst blacks have rocketed. A fair case could be made for the individual personal relationship between whites and blacks being worse now that it was fifty years ago.

Tom Wilkinson is very decent LBJ but David Oyelowo does not quite cut it as King. It is not that it is technically a bad performance; it is simply that he does not capture the charisma that King undoubtedly had. His portrayal of King keeps a question nagging away at one: why would any one have followed this rather drab character? The rest of the cast do not really have time to develop their roles, although Carmen Ejogo as Coretta Scott King and Tim Roth as George Wallace have their moments.

The insubstantial quality of the film can be judged by the meagre Oscar recognition and its popularity with the public by the money it has taken. The film was nominated for Best Picture and best song but for nothing else, which is a rather remarkable thing. Nor did it win as best picture. A public fuss was made about Ava DuVernay and David Oyelowo being left out of Best Director and Best Actor categories, but only in the context of no black actors and directors being nominated. Considering the public political correctness the American film business emits, it is rather difficult to imagine that the tepid response to Selma by the Oscar granting Academy voters was the result of racism. In fact its nomination as Best Picture despite having no nominations in the directing and acting categories suggests that the opposite happened, Selma was nominated for Best Picture regardless of its mediocrity as a sop to political correctness.

The public also responded in less than passionate fashion. As of 16 April Selma had taken $52,076,908 worldwide, which placed it, 57th in the top grossing films of the previous 365 days. Not bad in purely commercial terms for a film which cost $20 million to make, but distinctly underwhelming for a film lauded to the skies by most critics and many public figures. The truth is that people both in the States and abroad have not been that drawn to it, whether because of the subject or the indifferent quality of the film. One can take the browbeaten horses of the Western world to the politically correct water but they can’t make many of them drink.

The pernicious nature of a film like this is not that it casts whites as the villain, but that it gives blacks an excuse for anything that goes wrong in their lives, the prize of an inexhaustible victimhood.

ROBERT HENDERSON is film critic of QR

Posted in Film Reviews, QR Home | Tagged , , , , | Leave a comment

Fame – deserved and undeserved

Kim Kardashian

Kim Kardashian

Fame – deserved and undeserved

Ilana Mercer distinguishes between heroism and celebrity

“True bravery is shown by performing without witness what one might be capable of doing before all the world,” said a wise man named La Rochefoucauld, centuries ago. That man’s definition excludes most of America’s contemporary heroes.

La Rochefoucauld’s understanding of courage certainly rules out most black community leaders. In Baltimore, a city devastated by anti-police, race rioters, these “leaders” made sure they were seen calling for calm following the orgy of destruction. Away from the cameras, their lives have been given over to causing chaos by preaching racial grievance against white America.

The same imperative of privacy and consistency precludes Bruce Jenner. The famous Olympian athlete turned TV personality has come out very publicly as a transsexual, who is in the process of transitioning to full womanhood; Jenner already has the psyche of a woman. For providing 17 million ABC viewers with a glimpse into his very real inner struggle with sexual identity, Jenner has been hailed as an American hero.

Coming out simultaneously as a Republican and a Christian failed to dampen the admiration with which the oppressed patriarch of the Kardashian clan was greeted—Jenner has been embroiled in a vulgar reality show, “Keeping up with the Kardashians,” on which he is generally belittled and berated.

The political and religious identities of Republicanism and Christianity are mortal sins in the eyes of Jenner’s celebrity peers and the audience to which he appeals. Granted, Republicanism is so meaningless a political identity that a Democrat can just as easily transition to being one, without much pain. Christianity, however, is supposed to set a higher bar for belonging. In the Kardashian clan, Jenner is rudderless dad to a bevy of catty exhibitionists. And he is ex-husband to the ball-busting matriarch, Kris Kardashian.

Is this what a man of faith looks like, these days? This is not to diminish Jenner’s excruciatingly difficult journey. However, a stoic Olympian battling his demons in private would have more closely approximated the qualities of a hero.

Still, Jenner is more of an American hero than the late Navy SEAL Chris Kyle. Kyle “held the record for number of kills by an American sniper. The Pentagon confirmed more than 150 of his kills. The previous record was 109.” Kyle lived by the sword and died by the sword. In 2013, he was “shot point-blank” by another veteran.

It is hardly an accomplishment to have killed so many individuals in the service of Uncle Sam. This Navy SEAL was like a real-life Jack Bauer, the character from the hit TV series “24”: a federal zombie in thrall to the state and trained to do its bidding.

To be sure, Kyle had the makings of a hero in the classical, Homeric mold. To follow the criteria outlined by the Fellowship of Reason, Kyle performed “extraordinary feats.” But for a fatal flaw, he was of “noble character.” As a masculine force at full tilt, his suffering was great and his death unusual. Kyle’s fatal flaw was to have slavishly toiled as an assassin for the Federal Frankenstein.

For reasons mysterious, America’s anointed heroes are either killing people in faraway lands, or crying on television here at home. The key to glory is to go public.

A British newspaper, the MailOnline, did its part in stripping heroism of meaning, literally. The paper ran a pictorial that depicted, to quote, “brave mothers and daughters baring all – and revealing their hopes and fears about ageing.” To get naked for the world to see is immodest, not heroic. Displaying “saggy tummies” and “stretch marks” does not a heroine make. Narcissism, self-adoration, bad taste, or just being comfortable in your own skin: these are not heroic, although they’ve been cast as such.

As their ideal, the Fellowship of Reason aforementioned hearkens to “the classic Aristotelian model of virtue as an expression of good habits developed purposively over time and maintained by thoughtful practice. This is coupled with an unabashed enthusiasm for the kind of individualism advocated first by the Enlightenment and put into practice by the romantic post rationalists of the Industrial Revolution.”

The “hero” adulated in the USA today is a deformed version of the Romantic-era hero: the battle that informs his life is “the courage to be me.” He makes up his own moral code. His is slave to his passions and exercises no control over them. Besides fame, his goal is self-knowledge, a goal that is limited by his profound superficiality, deep ignorance and lack of learning. His loyalty is not to higher, timeless principles, but “to a particular project and to a community of like-minded others,” the transgendered community, in Jenner’s case.

Bruce Jenner says his gender identity is female and so, too, is his pattern of sexual attraction. The two—gender identity and sexual attraction—are separate things. Jenner has always loved women and likely will continue to so do. Now that is heroic, given the shallow, silicone-stuffed, nasty women with whom poor Bruce is surrounded.

Bruce Jenner

Bruce Jenner

ILANA Mercer is a US-based, libertarian writer. She pens WND’s longest-standing, exclusive, paleolibertarian weekly column, “Return to Reason.” With a unique audience of 8 million, the site has been rated by Alexa as the most frequented “conservative” site on the Internet. Ilana has also featured on RT with the “Paleolibertarian Column,” and she contributes to Economic Policy Journal (the premier libertarian site on the web), Junge Freiheit, a German weekly of excellence, as well as to the British Libertarian Alliance and Quarterly Review (the celebrated British journal founded in 1809 by Walter Scott, Robert Southey and George Canning), where she is also contributing editor. Formerly syndicated by Creators Syndicate, Ilana is a fellow at the Jerusalem Institute for Market Studies (an award-winning, independent, non-profit, free-market economic policy think tank).

Posted in Current Affairs and Comment, QR Home | Tagged , , , | Leave a comment

After travelling

John Glover Patterdale landscape with cattle

John Glover Patterdale landscape with cattle

After travelling

back in the magical country

the great south land

where sunshine cheers

like the best wine

and more innocent histories

give the search for wisdom

a special relish

Bob Cowley is a retired public servant. He lives in Adelaide, Australia

 

Posted in Poetry, QR Home | Tagged , | 1 Comment