Intelligence Matters

Atom Bomb

Intelligence Matters

Charmian Brinson & Richard Dove, A Matter of Intelligence: MI5 and the Surveillance of Anti-Nazi Refugees 1933-50 (2014) Manchester University Press, Manchester, 2015, Notes, Name Index, pp. 239, ISBN 978 0 7190 9079 0. Reviewed by Dr Frank Ellis

Frank Ellis underlines the threat that Communism formerly posed to Britain

The authors’ justification for writing this book is that surveillance of anti-Nazi refugees has more or less been ignored in the official histories of MI5. The reasons for this neglect, according to Brinson and Dove, are that whereas MI5 generally had a highly successful war against the Germans – one thinks of its success in rounding up German agents infiltrated by the Abwehr and the stunning achievements of the Double Cross Committee – MI5 surveillance of German and Austrian refugees failed to pick up some serious threats to British and Allied security. Specifically, MI5 failed to uncover the treachery of Klaus Fuchs until after he had passed on details of the Manhattan Project to his Soviet handlers in Britain and the USA. Female communist spies – Edith Tudor-Hart (codename Edith), Margaret Mynatt (codename Bianca) and Ursula Kuczynski (codename Sonya) – escaped retribution.

Brinson and Dove are probably right to assert that MI5 tended to underestimate Edith et al because they were women and because they had all acquired British citizenship by marriage. Edith Suschitzky was born in Vienna. In 1933 she married a one Alexander Tudor-Hart; in 1938, she was implicated in the Woolwich Arsenal spy plot. Margaret Mynatt was also born in Vienna. Her mother was Austrian-Jewish and her father British. She arrived in Britain in 1934. Possessing a British passport, she could travel and was an important courier for the Comintern (Communist International). To quote Brinson and Dove: ‘Her work as a courier involved her in flying regularly to the Soviet Union and carrying money from there to fellow couriers elsewhere in Europe for Communist parties declared illegal within their own countries’.[i] Ursula Kuczynski, the sister of another communist agent, Jürgen Kuczynski, acquired the married name of Beurton from a one Len Beurton. Beurton’s ideological allegiances can be divined from the fact that he called himself Leon and that Ursula Kuczynski and he were married on 23rd February 1940. During the Soviet era the 23rd February was earmarked as Soviet Armed Forces Day and Leon Trotsky played a major role in their founding. Given her husband’s infatuation with Trotsky – in Soviet mythology, Antichrist – and that such associations, however tenuous, with such an enemy of the people could prove fatal during the Stalin period, Kuczynski (Sonya) is lucky that she was not recalled to Moscow and shot.

Leon Trotsky in the Civil War

Leon Trotsky in the Civil War

Kuczynski (Sonya) was, in fact, a star Soviet agent and the all-important link between Fuchs and Moscow in England. While working on the Tube Alloys Project, the cover for work on a British atomic bomb, Fuchs would meet Kuczynski (Sonya) – he called her ‘the girl from Banbury’ – and pass on information, which she then enciphered and transmitted via radio to Moscow, or so she claimed. In her memoir, Sonya’s Report (1991) Kuczynski (Sonya) maintains that she just set up the aerials of her radio between two cottages, one of which she was renting, and started transmitting her report to Moscow. Her account is not entirely convincing. In war time Britain private radio transmissions were forbidden. Unauthorised transmissions, especially those in Morse code and figure cipher, would very quickly have come to the attention of MI5. Regular transmission from the same site would have made the work of triangulation that much easier. At a time when the only transmissions permitted were those of British official agencies, unauthorised transmissions would have been intercepted. Even if the encryption was too powerful to be broken, call signs, time of transmission and the full encrypted text would have been recorded. One can take it for granted that the written record of any transmissions intercepted on behalf of MI5 during the war would have been retained. Perhaps Brinson and Dove should consider a request to MI5/GCHQ for access.

Although Brinson and Dove are concerned with the fate of anti-Nazi refugees in Britain, they do not seem fully to appreciate that refugees espousing left, and extreme-left, totalitarian ideologies may well be anti-Nazi but that this does not automatically translate into pro-British sympathies. Let us be clear. These people sought refuge in Britain because continental Europe was becoming too dangerous. Indeed, the authors note that to begin with the favoured destination was France and only later Britain. Communism and the influx of refugees many of whom with communist allegiances undoubtedly posed a direct threat to British security since Soviet agencies would use – and did use – the entry of refugees as a cover for the infiltration of its agents.

Brinson and Dove make much of the fact that MI5 was obsessed with the threat posed by communism. Typically, they place Red menace between inverted commas thereby implying that MI5 was somehow wrong to have seen any severe danger from communism. Events fully justify the MI5 approach. In 1927 the offices of the Soviet Trade Delegation were raided by the police acting on MI5 information. This was the so-called ARCOS raid and it confirmed the threat posed by the Soviet Union and communism to Britain. The MI5 assessment that the Soviet Union and communism were the main enemies prompted Guy Liddell, a senior MI5 officer, to visit Germany in 1933. There he met Rudolf Diels (incorrectly cited as “Diehls” by Brinson and Dove) at the time when Abteilung Ia of the Berlin Police headquarters was being reorganised into the Gestapa (das Geheime Staatspolizeiamt) not the Gestapo (die Geheime Staatspolizei), as claimed by Brinson and Dove, with Diels as its first head. According to Brinson and Dove the Nazis tried to justify their suppression of the German Communist Party (KPD) with the claim that they had prevented a seizure of power. I am not aware of any planned KPD-inspired uprising in Germany in 1933. However, the Brinson and Dove claim that any such uprising was implausible is wholly inconsistent with Lenin’s endless calls for world revolution, the communist insurgency in Germany after World War One and on-going Soviet attempts to foment one, no different, indeed, from Soviet subversion being carried out by the Soviet Trade Delegation in London in the 1920s.

Together with their brown rivals, German communists made common cause against the Weimar Republic so making it that much easier for Hitler to gain power. Brinson and Dove do not seem to grasp the nature of communism and see no grotesque contradiction in describing Wilhelm Koenen, a German communist who had been denied entry to Britain in 1932, as a ‘communist parliamentarian’.[ii] As a revolutionary party fully committed to subversion, red terror and the destruction of any parliamentary democracy, the KPD and its activists deserve no sympathy when they were arbitrarily arrested, incarcerated and shot. Terror and revolutionary violence were the tools of their trade. Now they got a taste of their own medicine. Brinson and Dove also fail to make a clear distinction between Fascism and National Socialism. Fascism was a propaganda construct used by the Comintern and designed to lump all enemies of the Soviet Union together as Fascists.

Peace time surveillance of German and Austrian aliens was complicated by the simple fact that these people were more or less free to move about and thus to engage in activity that was harmful to Britain. The numbers are worth noting. By September 1939 some 78,000 refugees were living in Britain. Brinson and Dove speculate that of this total about 6,000-8,000 could be estimated to have been political refugees.[iii] Given the growing demands on MI5 time and resources effective surveillance was always likely to be a problem. However, with the outbreak of war in September 1939 and the change in their status – German and Austrian aliens were now “enemy aliens” – internment would have been a highly effective solution.

The MI5 position was that all enemy aliens should be interned. On this matter Brinson and Dove cite an extract from Guy Liddell’s diary: ‘My personal feeling is that enemy aliens should be interned and they should be called on to show cause why they should be released. From an MI5 point of view, it would be far preferable to have them put away’.[iv] Brinson and Dove reject Liddell’s proposal. Thus: ‘All German and Austrian refugees should therefore – so MI5 believed – be interned and required to demonstrate their loyalty to the British cause: that is they should be assumed guilty until proven innocent’.[v] I suggest that Brinson and Dove misconstrue what Liddell was advocating. The obvious point here is that these Germans and Austrians are, in time of war, “enemy aliens”. There is no obvious reason why these people should be permitted the benefit of any doubt. Internment is therefore fully justified. Further, in view of the fact that these people are enemy aliens it is entirely reasonable that the burden of demonstrating to the satisfaction of the British security services that they posed no threat, not necessarily any loyalty to the British cause, falls on them. The internment of enemy aliens makes it much harder for spies among them to engage in espionage, since it disrupts agent networks and enormously simplifies the task of surveillance. In times of a dire national emergency such as that which confronted Britain in 1940 it was, or should have been, an essential measure.

MI5 penetration of communist organisations confirmed not merely the hostile intent towards Britain and the West but also provides very revealing insights into attitudes towards the Soviet Union and the war in general. For example, Hans Beermann, a Jewish refugee, who was an MI5 informer in The Free German Movement (FGM), reported back on reactions to Soviet-Polish plans for Germany’s post-war borders which had been announced in January 1944. René Robert Kuczynski, father of Jürgen and Ursula Kuczynski, and the chairman of the FGM, made an astonishing attack on Soviet policy which had it been made in exile in the Soviet Union and inevitably picked up by the NKVD would have led to his arrest. Thus: ‘the Russian plans for the future of Eastern Germany represented the same kind of barbarism that the Nazis practised. If Germans were to be put under the Poles he could only advise them to stick to the Nazis, for their lot would be far worse with the Poles than with the Nazis’.[vi]

Kuczynski senior’s scathing condemnation of Soviet policy highlights a whole series of omissions in A Matter of Intelligence. Even though factionalism and failing to adhere to the policies ordered by Moscow were serious ideological crimes, disputes among Austrian and German communists arising from Soviet policies and the general course of the war were far more likely in British exile. During the period of the Non-Aggression Pact (August 1939 – June 1941) the ideologically correct line was that this was an imperialist war and that the German bombing of London was no more than the British imperialists deserved. Are we to believe that German and Austrian communists in Britain did not argue among themselves about the merits of the Pact and the correctness of the Moscow line? How did communist refugees react to Stalin’s demands that the Western Allies open a Second Front in 1942 when there was no chance of success? Later in the war, in April 1943, a major rift occurred between the Anglo-Americans and the Polish government-in-exile after the discovery of the mass grave of Polish prisoners of war at Katyn. Despite vociferous Soviet denials of responsibility for this war crime – denials which persisted until the collapse of the Soviet Empire in 1991 – only fanatical communists and sympathizers in Britain accepted the Kremlin claim that the mass murders had been carried out by the Gestapo. That the discovery of these mass graves and strong evidence – even then – for Soviet responsibility did not provoke bitter arguments among communists adhering to the Moscow line and those of a more sceptical disposition strikes yours truly as utterly implausible. Non-communists might well have given Goebbels the benefit of the doubt. Any such divisions among the exiles would have been monitored and evaluated very carefully by MI5 since those dissenting from the Moscow line would have been earmarked as potential informers. Yet none of this seems to have made its way back to MI5 via its informers or is there evidence of these arguments and dissent in the files examined by Brinson and Dove but which for reasons unclear they have decided to pass over? If they have neglected any such material, why is this?

Katyn Massacre Victim

Katyn Massacre Victim

One aspect of British operations against communist agents and British traitors is the leniency with which they were treated when caught. Klaus Fuchs escaped the death penalty, Blunt received a royal pardon instead of the long drop, Cairncross was allowed to scuttle away, and when Ursula Kuczynski visited Britain to promote her book she was not arrested. Likewise, when Melita Norwood’s treachery was exposed in 1999 she was briefly the centre of media attention before disappearing from the radar screen. Incidentally, Norwood’s GRU codename was Tina which is appropriate since tina is the Russian word for slime or mire. Soviet handlers want the information but they are not obliged to like the individuals supplying it.

In the conclusion of this book Brinson and Dove tell us that they have taken cognizance of Eric Hobsbawm’s advice ‘ “that it is the business of historians to remember what others forget” ’[vii], unaware of, or indifferent to, it seems, Hobsbawm’s well documented playing down of communist crimes, including genocide. Hobsbawm is the last person to instruct others on the need to remember the forgotten bits. In any case, it is not that communist war crimes and genocide have been forgotten. Unlike the crimes of National Socialism there is still a great reluctance to face up to the enormity of communist crimes. The inapposite citation of Hobsbawm to one side, MI5 surveillance of refugees and enemy aliens, above all the communists, is an important part of MI5’s history and overall Brinson and Dove have made a good beginning. There is much more to come. In their follow-up study the authors should be aware that the KGB, Komitet gosudarstvennoi bezopasnosti, was not formed until 1954 and so no KGB officer could have played a part in contacting Engelbert Broda, another major source of information on the Manhattan Project, in 1943. The main Soviet intelligence agencies from the mid 1930s until the 1953 reforms were the NKVD, NKGB, GRU and SMERSH. One final point: a book of this kind requires a proper and detailed subject index. A name index alone is not enough.

Felix Dzerzhinsky, Director of the Cheka

Statue of Felix Dzerzhinsky, Director of the Cheka

ENDNOTES
[i] A Matter of Intelligence, p.85
[ii] A Matter of Intelligence, p.174
[iii] A Matter of Intelligence, p.91
[iv] A Matter of Intelligence, p.103
[v] A Matter of Intelligence, p.103
[vi] A Matter of Intelligence, p.163
[vii] A Matter of Intelligence, p.232

© Frank Ellis 2015

Frank Ellis is an historian and the author of The Stalingrad Cauldron: Inside the Encirclement and Destruction of the 6th Army (2013)

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Rhodes Must Stand

University of Cape Town, Statue of Cecil John Rhodes

University of Cape Town, Statue of Cecil John Rhodes

Rhodes Must Stand

Arthur St Hugh defends a visionary Englishman

Earlier this year a statue to Cecil Rhodes was removed from the University of Cape Town on the grounds that it was ‘offensive to blacks’. One might ask why it was that the Afrikaners never found it offensive and had it removed when South Africa became independent, as after all Rhodes, more than anyone, was responsible for the ending of the independence of their Boer republics in a bloody war of imperial conquest. Perhaps the Afrikaners considered that Rhodes should be recognised for bringing into existence something that was actually greater than what had existed previously? Or perhaps the Afrikaners considered that the values Rhodes upheld – liberalism, parliamentary democracy, magna carta and the rule of law – were applicable to themselves, that they were indeed ‘universal values’ as David Cameron and the Conservative Party view them.

It is perfectly legitimate to question whether it was right for the imperialist Rhodes to seek to forge a federal union with liberal ‘universal values’ in southern Africa. Perhaps separate states with different values might have been just as right; and perhaps that is what will emerge in due course.

But Rhodes has been reconceived as ‘apartheid’s founding father’ rather than as effectively the founding father of South Africa. Clearly the current ruling race in South Africa does not wish to be reminded of the ancestry of the state they now possess. Rhodesia’s name was changed because it did not wish to be reminded of the creator of the state they had acquired; the statue of Rhodes in Salisbury has been gone for many years, and likewise the values that Rhodes upheld have long since been obliterated and replaced by the values of Mugabe.

However, it is not just from Cape Town University that offended blacks want statues of Rhodes removed. There is a Rhodes Must Fall [i] group here at Oxford University demanding its statue be removed too. Brian Kwoba, founder of the Oxford Pan-Afrikan Forum, believes that Rhodes is the “single most familiar symbol of European colonialism in history”[ii]. But it is not just the extirpation of the memory of British history that is desired. As one leading member of the group, “rapper”[iii] Sizwe Mpofu-Walsh, son of Dali Mpofu[iv], has stated: “many other things must fall too”[v]. Brian Kwoba complains that there is a “lack of racial awareness among Oxford students” and that “[m]any Oxford students also remain ignorant of Britain’s imperial legacy”[vi], something many patriotic Britons would probably agree with though one gets the impression patriotic Britons are not his primary audience. To the Rhodes Must Fall group Cecil Rhodes symbolises not just “European colonialism”, but also “symbolises the oppressive ethos that pervades [Oxford] university today”. One of the group’s activists, Annie Teriba, claims that the University “wasn’t built with us in mind”[vii], the ‘us’ being “students of colour”; but seemingly it must be changed so that they are in mind. Brian Kwoba believes that “Rhodesian systems of oppression – like Eurocentrism, white superiority, and male domination – have colonised the education system”[viii], implying, if taken literally, a deliberate (recent?) change from a ‘time before’. Cecil Rhodes has thus been transformed from an object in history into a whole range of subjective “systems” to which certain people can define themselves against. The group demands that the University ““decolonise” the campus and curriculum”[ix] . But it is not ideas that colonise, it is people. And so is it not they themselves who are seeking to colonise the campus and curriculum?

The “lavishly-funded leftist blog for academia”[x] ‘The Conversation’ promotes the message that the curriculum must be taken “back” (sic) from “dead white men like William Shakespeare”[xi]. Yet the dead white men being referred to is our culture, so they are saying that our culture must be removed (or given much less space) and replaced with the culture of their race. As Fanon noted in The Wretched of the Earth, a “national culture under colonial domination is a contested culture whose destruction is sought in systematic fashion.” Another stated aim is to increase the number of non-Britons in positions of leadership within academia[xii], the replacement then of our people with their people. And as we know, it is not just in academia, but in all institutions, including government.

Toppling Rhodes thus becomes a Baudrillardian divergence between image and reality: the symbol is the fight against “oppression” whilst the reality is the improvement of the economic and political position of migrants and settler colonists to the detriment of the indigenous British. White collaborators unthinkingly rationalise acceptance of this activity as being ‘inclusive’ because to them the symbol has more meaning that the reality, indeed the reality has no meaning for them.

That groups like Rhodes Must Fall can act without rebuke is because the mainstream parties are doing little to tackle radicalisation among immigrants and settler colonists, particularly when in this case the radicalised migrants are repeating back to them the same left-wing phrases which they endorse. Radicalisation is but the self-realisation of cultural difference; it is the negation of integration and seeks to redefine supposed shared values. Those radicalised recognise there are no ‘universal values’ rather there are the values of an ‘us’ and the values of ‘the other’.

Outside the Houses of Parliament there is a statue of Oliver Cromwell, an idol offensive to Royalists and Irish Catholics, a man whose basis for government was the right of might not democracy or legalism. Yet do we believe that just because that statue stands that everyone in Parliament is a Puritan fanatic (or indeed a Christian of any sort)? Does the statue to someone who had a great many Irish men and women enslaved mean that Parliament cannot now pass laws against slavery? If a statue to a tyrant, someone guilty of the greatest crime that of regicide, a religious extremist who waged war upon his own people, is acceptable then how can a statue to Rhodes, someone innocent of all those things, be somehow worse?

One might also note that there is now a statue to Nelson Mandela in Parliament Square. Should we just accept it as an inexplicable irrelevancy, the statue of some foreigner who did nothing for the British and whom no one will remember in a few years anyway, or should whites be offended by it as certain blacks are by statues of Rhodes and perceive Mandela not as a figure in history but as the symbol of a hateful ideology which oppresses all Europeans? Do Britons need to be as radicalised as groups like Rhodes Must Fall? Either way, ‘universal values’ must fall.

[i] Facebook Rhodes Must Fall In Oxford
[ii] Cherwell Rhodes must fall, here and now
[iii] Beacon Reader The Music and Politics of Sizwe Mpofu-Walsh
[iv] Business Day live The top 10 Dali Mpofu controversies
[v] IOL News Rhodes activists gunning for Oxford
[vi] Cherwell Rhodes must fall, here and now
[vii] Sky News Oxford Students Want ‘Racist’ Statue Removed
[viii] Cherwell Rhodes must fall, here and now
[ix] The Guardian Oxford Uni must decolonise its campus and curriculum, say students ; The Independent Oxford University students call for greater ‘racial sensitivity’ at the institution and say it must be ‘decolonised’
[x] The Quadrant online A Rather One-Sided ‘Conversation’
[xi] The Conversation It’s time to take the curriculum back from dead white men
[xii] The Conversation There are fewer than 100 black professors in Britain – why?

ARTHUR ST HUGH has written for the London Swinton Circle

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“Hanoi” John McCain

Comrades in Arms

Comrades in Arms

“Hanoi” John McCain

Ilana Mercer separates the man from the myth

“It’s the beginning of the end for Donald Trump.” “It disqualifies him as a presidential candidate.” “This is the end of his run.” So crowed the political operatives looking to take down Mr. Trump, and by so doing, protect the political status quo and ease themselves into positions of greater power. The egos in the anchor’s chair and the pundits opposite chimed in: “He’ll make the more serious candidates look more serious,” predicted the next Michael Oakeshott, S. E. Cupp.

The Donald is in the dock for desecrating one of the political establishment’s most sacred cows: Sen. John McCain. Speaking at a forum in Iowa, the popular presidential hopeful said these sagacious things about the Republican from Arizona:

“[McCain’s] not a war hero. He is a war hero because he was captured. I like people that weren’t captured, okay?” (On the same occasion, Trump ventured that he was not particularly for the Vietnam War, a position that should endear him to principled libertarians.)

Not only does Donald Trump not owe Sen. McCain an apology; McCain likely owes mea culpa to Trump—and to the very many Vietnam veterans and their families whom he is alleged to have betrayed.

Yes, the heroic prisoner-of-war pedigree upon which McCain has established his career and credibility is probably a myth.

For our purposes, the story begins with Sydney Schanberg, back in the days before American journalism became a circle jerk of power brokers.

Mr. Schanberg is one of “America’s most eminent journalists.” “For his accounts of the fall of Cambodia to the Khmer Rouge in 1975,” Schanberg “was awarded the Pulitzer Prize for international reporting ‘at great risk.’ He is also the recipient of many other awards–including two George Polk awards, two Overseas Press Club awards and the Sigma Delta Chi prize for distinguished journalism.” Schanberg’s byline at The Nation magazine further reveals that:

“The 1984 movie, The Killing Fields [watch it!], which won several Academy Awards, was based on his book ‘The Death and Life of Dith Pran’–a memoir of his experiences covering the war in Cambodia for the New York Times and of his relationship with his Cambodian colleague, Dith Pran.”

Schanberg is also the author of a “remarkable 8,000-word exposé”: “McCain and the POW Cover-Up.” Here follow the opening paragraphs. They provide a précis of the forensic evidence collected by Schanberg against McCain as ally of Vietnam War POWs and men missing in action:

“John McCain, who has risen to political prominence on his image as a Vietnam POW war hero, has, inexplicably, worked very hard to hide from the public stunning information about American prisoners in Vietnam who, unlike him, didn’t return home. Throughout his Senate career, McCain has quietly sponsored and pushed into federal law a set of prohibitions that keep the most revealing information about these men buried as classified documents. Thus the war hero people would logically imagine to be a determined crusader for the interests of POWs and their families became instead the strange champion of hiding the evidence and closing the books. …

“… The sum of the secrets McCain has sought to hide is not small. There exists a telling mass of official documents, radio intercepts, witness depositions, satellite photos of rescue symbols that pilots were trained to use, electronic messages from the ground containing the individual code numbers given to airmen, a rescue mission by a Special Forces unit that was aborted twice by Washington and even sworn testimony by two defense secretaries that “men were left behind.” This imposing body of evidence suggests that a large number–probably hundreds–of the US prisoners held in Vietnam were not returned when the peace treaty was signed in January 1973 and Hanoi released 591 men, among them Navy combat pilot John S. McCain.”

“The Pentagon had been withholding significant information from POW families for years. What’s more, the Pentagon’s POW/MIA operation had been publicly shamed by internal whistleblowers and POW families for holding back documents as part of a policy of “debunking” POW intelligence even when the information was obviously credible. The pressure from the families and Vietnam veterans finally produced the creation, in late 1991, of a Senate “Select Committee on POW/MIA Affairs.” The chair was John Kerry, but McCain, as a POW, was its most pivotal member. In the end, the committee became part of the debunking machine. …”

The tale that has more twists than a serpent’s tail would be incomplete without mentioning another newsman, Ron Unz. First in his capacity as publisher of The American Conservative (July 1, 2010 cover story), and currently as editor-in-chief of The Unz Review—Mr. Unz has kept Schanberg’s voluminously sourced and criminally underexposed exposé alive in the alternative (intelligent) media.

Schanberg’s own journalistic and military man’s instincts were first piqued when “military officers [he] knew from that conflict began coming to [him] with maps and POW sightings and depositions by Vietnamese witnesses.”

Having served “in the Army in Germany during the Cold War and witnessing combat firsthand as a reporter in India and Indochina,” Schanberg had “great respect for those who fight for their country.” To my mind,” he explained, “we dishonored U.S. troops when our government failed to bring them home from Vietnam after the 591 others were released—and then claimed they didn’t exist. And politicians dishonor themselves when they pay lip service to the bravery and sacrifice of soldiers only to leave untold numbers behind, rationalizing to themselves that it’s merely one of the unfortunate costs of war.”

The man is clearly not an intemperate sort. Some would say that to knowingly leave servicemen behind in the service of political ambition is treason.

Despite his position “as one of the highest-ranking editors at the New York Times,” Schanberg was forced to unmask Hanoi John, on September 18, 2008, in The Nation magazine. He recounts: “I took the data to the appropriate desks [at the New York Times] and suggested it was material worth pursuing. There were no takers.”

In the war-hero department, McCain is manifestly more beloved by the bien pensant elites than his “Democratic counterpart,” Vietnam Medal of Honor recipient Democrat Bob Kerrey. While not a “single mention of McCain’s role in burying information about POWs” is to be found in the annals of the NYT; the paper of record—“a compliment [rightly] used these days as a cudgel”—took upon itself to expose (in its magazine) Bob Kerrey for having “ordered his men to massacre over a dozen innocent Vietnamese civilians—women, children, and infants,” in February of 1969.

McMussolini’s more recent record of devastation is an organic extension of his mythologized past:

“John McCain the politician,” wrote Trump in a USA Today editorial, “has made America less safe, sent our brave soldiers into wrong-headed foreign adventures, covered up for President Obama with the VA scandal and has spent most of his time in the Senate pushing amnesty. He would rather protect the Iraqi border than Arizona’s.”

Were Donald to dig deeper, he’d discover that McCain as champion of prisoners-of-war and men missing-in-action is as dubious as “John McCain the politician.”

Reagan's with John McCain, 1987

Reagans with John McCain, 1987

Ilana Mercer is a paleolibertarian writer, based in the U.S.  She pens WND’s longest-standing, exclusive paleolibertarian column, “Return to Reason.” She is a fellow at the Jerusalem Institute for Market Studies. Her latest book is “Into the Cannibal’s Pot: Lessons For America From Post-Apartheid South Africa.” Her website is www.IlanaMercer.com.  She blogs at  www.barelyablog.com   Follow her on Twitter:  https://twitter.com/IlanaMercer “Friend” her on Facebook: https://www.facebook.com/ilanamercer.libertarian

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Socialist Orthodoxy and Syriza’s Missed Opportunity

Rudolf Hilferding, author of Finance Capital

Rudolf Hilferding, author of Finance Capital

Socialist Orthodoxy and Syriza’s Missed Opportunity

K R Bolton identifies the real masters of the universe

Necessity is the mother of invention, as the adage goes and while Arnold Toynbee postulated entire Civilisations arising from the necessity of invention, alternative methods of exchange have also been examples of humanity’s problem-solving abilities, when allowed freedom to innovate. This article briefly examines a very unusual method of innovative currency that was the last resort of a Governor of French Canada when faced with destitution. The example shows that currency is but a convenient means of barter, the primary factor in its efficacy being not what form it takes, but that it has the trust of the public to fulfil its function. While ‘fiat money’ and ‘qualitative easing’ are regarded as heresy by orthodox economists, with the spectre of inflation, currency and credit have become themselves commodities, rather than merely as a means of exchanging commodities and services. Not only does the current credit and currency system, being based on debt to private bankers, fail in its proper function, but it causes cycles of ruination because of the indebtedness built into the system, and it is therefore parasitic and ultimately self-destructive. Historically it was condemned by the church as the ‘sin of Usury’, and Islam calls it riba. The money-lender was despised by traditional societies as profiting without creating. By societies in their cycles of decline he is praised as the epitome of commercial acumen.

The current predicament of Greece is a dramatic example of systemic failure. The only answer that is acceptable to the lending states, because they are themselves in debt to private banks, is to insist on the redeeming of those debts by the panacea of taxation, privatisation and austerity. None of those prescriptions are a workable solution. Indeed, they ensure that economic revival cannot take place because restrictions on consumption and therefore on production are reinforced, while again only a financial elite benefit through the sale of state assets. The result must ultimately be, because of the characters of the debt system, that Greece will sell off its assets to corporate interests, while merely being able to obtain a new debt to redeem a prior debt. The system works on perpetual debt. The outcome will be that Greece, as with other states, such as the New Zealand experience (thanks largely to a Labour government) that have followed the same prescription, will be left without state assets, utilities and resources, yet still have a debt.

Failure of Marxism

The Greek state has the option, like every state, as a preliminary, to issue whether as tokens, coupons or another type of bank note, a new internal currency to facilitate the exchange of goods and services within Greece. While questions of trade and external exchange are another matter, in the short term, such a method would allow for a great deal of normalisation. The Marxist Syriza party includes a platform of bank nationalisation, yet state owned banks mean little if they do not also have the prerogative to create state credit. Most state banks do not, and hence nationalisation per se is of little concern to international finance. Marxist parties have little understood the mechanism of debt finance, and resist the recognition that the prime problem with the economic system is debt-finance because, as Marx stated in Das Kapital, when writing of banking and credit, that a focus on this would circumvent the historical dialectic. Hence, Marxist parties, since Marx himself, have opposed banking reformers, despite Marx’s brief description of ‘fictitious credit’.[1] They offer short-term banalities of the simplistic ‘Occupy’ movement type, such as taxation of the ‘rich’. As Marxists they have historically had more interest in ruining the landed classes through taxation. Hence, Marx in The Communist Manifesto reserved his most vehement condemnation for the ‘reactionists’, those who sought an alliance between gentry, nobles, artisans and peasants against the encroachments of industrialisation. He condemned banking reform movements in Das Kapital for a similar reason. Such movements, which remanifested themselves after him as ‘social credit’ and as the allied ‘distributists, threw a spanner in the ‘wheels of history’, as Marx put it.

C K Chesterton, Distributist

C K Chesterton, Distributist

Syriza has become what Marxist parties often become; the last resort of capitalism. Syriza party leader Alexis Tsipras had gone to Washington several years ago to assure the USA that despite his rhetoric he was no real threat, and furthermore that his party was the best option for thwarting the rise of the Gold Dawn fascists. Brookings Institution commentators wrote of Tsipras in Washington, in regard to a similar ‘radical leftist’ in Brazil:

“…In that regard, many noted his recent trip to Brazil, where he met with former President Lula da Silva. In the 1990s, Lula famously shed his militant image to become a beaming and gregarious icon for a globally integrated and competitive Brazil. Should Tsipras become prime minister some day, he seemed to say, he would be just such a leader.” [2]

Alternatives

Guernsey Island saved itself from destitution in 1820 by issuing its own currency, which is still used, independently of British Stirling.[3] Abraham Lincoln issued ‘Greenbacks’ during the Civil War, bypassing the debt finance system, and the Confederacy issued Graybacks as ‘non-interest bearing money [which] remained the predominant medium of exchange.[4] President John Kennedy did something similar with the issue of U.S. Treasury Notes that bypassed the Federal Reserve Bank as fiat money.

While the Bank of Canada issued over half of Canada’s credit during 1935-1945 and up to 30% until the mid 1970s,[5] an earlier example of debt-free currency was issued in French Canada in 1685, which saved the province from destitution.

French Canada (Quebec) was dependent on an annual remittance from Paris. In 1685 King Louis XIV, with his wars and his extravagance, failed to provide French Canada with its financial sustenance. Fortunately the ‘Intendant’ of the Province, M. de Meulle, had not been blessed with an education into the necessities of orthodox economics as it then was and remains today; of such panaceas as ‘balancing the budget’, ‘belt tightening’ or increasing taxes. Simple man as he obviously was, he apparently did not understand that money and credit are only supposed to appear when loaned into circulation as a usurious debt. So instead of disbanding his troops, whom he could not pay, and making redundancies in his public service, thereby obliging employers to lay off workers due to the lack of purchasing power, de Meulle thought that since money was not available from France he would simply make his own.

Without even a printing press to produce a currency, he called in all the decks of playing cards that could be gathered, and cut them into quarters. On these he wrote the value that each was to represent, gained public confidence in their efficacy as legal tender by giving them his personal guarantee, and spent them into circulation.

While the Mother Country was broke and in such debt as to be a major precipitant of the Revolution a century later, French Canada maintained itself. M. de Meulle reported to the Minister in Paris:

“My Lord – I have found myself this year in great straits with regard to the subsistence of the soldiers. You did not provide for funds, My Lord, until January last. I have, notwithstanding, kept them in provisions until September, which makes eight full months. I have drawn from my own funds and from those of my friends, all I have been able to get, but at last finding them without means to render me further assistance, and not knowing to what saint to pay my vows, money being extremely scarce, having distributed considerable sums on every side for the pay of the soldiers, it occurred to me to issue, instead of money, notes on [playing] cards, which I have had cut in quarters. I send you My Lord, the three kinds, one is for four francs, another for forty sols, and the third for fifteen sols, because with these three kinds, I was able to make their exact pay for one month. I have issued an ordinance by which I have obliged all the inhabitants to receive this money in payments, and to give it circulation, at the same time pledging myself, in my own name, to redeem the said notes. No person has refused them, and so good has been the effect that by this means the troops have lived as usual. There were some merchants who, privately, had offered me money at the local rate on condition that I would repay them in money at the local rate in France, to which I could not consent as the King would have lost a third; that is, for 10,000 he would have paid 40,000 livres; thus personally,by my credit and by my management, I have saved His Majesty 13,000 livres.” M. de Meulle, Quebec, 24th September, 1685.[6]

Six years later there was another shortage of money, and again the playing card currency was issued. According to Sir Ralph Norman Angell, Nobel Laureate and British Member of Parliament, the currency became ‘exceedingly popular and remained current during the whole of the remainder of that century and the first half of the next’.[7] As late as 1749 ordinances were passed in French Canada increasing the issue to a million livres. A N Field, a very well-known Right-wing expert on monetary reform in New Zealand during the Depression era,[8] commented:

“What M. de Meulle did was a very simple thing. At the same time it was a very profound thing. M. de Meulle probably never considered that there was anything very profound about it. It was just an obvious, commonsense step; and it was the right step. Money is merely a ticket entitling the bearer to goods and services, and it matters little whether it is made of gold or cut out playing cards.”[9]

Field concluded with a lesson just as applicable today as it was in 1931, stating that ‘the steps that were taken by M. de Meulle in Canada in 1685 could be taken by the Parliament of New Zealand tomorrow it is wished… Parliament does not take any such step because it is the slave of false ideas, false ideas that are strangling and choking our civilisation. Because of these ideas we remain in a stupid slump that we could walk out of it we chose’. [10] And if the King’s grandson, Louis XVI, had used his head a century later, and had undertaken a method as simple but as effective as M. de Meulle’s, he might not have lost it. Western Civilisation might also have avoided the epochal disaster of the French Revolution and changed the course of our cultural demise.

Mr Tsipras had the same option as M. de Meulle in 1685, albeit with something a bit more sophisticated than cut up playing cards, or Guernsey Island in 1820. But he is hog-tied by the dogmas of the ‘Radical Left’ which his party represents, and has chosen the road of debt-finance most often trodden by socialist parties. Greece will go down the road of further debt, in addition to being left without any assets; that is, far worse off, and without any further recourse to revival. While there have been allusions to ‘Greece becoming a colony of Germany’, this is deceptive. It is not ‘Germany’ that ultimately will own the debt, or the assets that will be sold off to pay the debt; nor France or any other nation-state, or the European Union in combination. There is only one colonial master that remains over the world: international finance.

ENDNOTES

[1] Karl Marx, Capital (1894) Vol. III Part V, ‘Division of Profit into Interest and Profit of Enterprise. Interest-Bearing Capital’, Chapter 36
[2] William J. Antholis and Domenico Lombardi, Mr. Tsipras Comes to Washington, Brookings Institution, 25 January 2013, http://www.brookings.edu/blogs/up-front/posts/2013/01/25-tsipras-washington-antholis-lombardi
[3] Olive and Jan Grubiak, The Guernsey Experiment (1960)
[4] Marc Weidenmeir, ‘Money and Finance in the Confederate States of America’, E H Net, http://eh.net/encyclopedia/article/weidenmier.finance.confederacy.is
[5] H Chorney, Assoc. Professor of Political Economy and Public Policy, Concordia University, Montreal; J Hotson, Professor of Economics, University of Waterloo; Mario Seccareccia, Assoc. Professor of Economics, University of Ottawa; ‘The Deficit Made Me Do It!’, Introduction, CCPA Popular Economics Series, Editor: Ed Finn, Canadian Centre For Policy Alternatives, 2010. http://lists.topica.com/lists/VOW/read/message.html?mid=813781210&sort=d&start=6327
[6] Canadian Currency, Exchange and Finance During the French Period, vol. 1, ed. Adam Shortt (New York: Burt Franklin, Research Source Works Series no. 235, 1968)
[7] R N Angell, The Story of Money (London: 1929) cited by A N Field, ‘The Next Best Thing: Paper Money Better than No Money’, God’s Own Country (And the Devil’s Own Mess), Nelson, 1931, No. 1, p. 3
[8] When the New Zealand Government in 1935 issued state credit at 1% interest for public works, and eliminated unemployment, with neither inflation nor debt. See: K R Bolton, ‘State credit and reconstruction: the first New Zealand Labour Government’, International Journal of Social Economics, Vol. 38 No. 1, 2011, pp. 39-49
[9] A N Field, op. cit.
[10] A N Field, ibid., p. 4

K R Bolton is a Fellow of the ‘World Institute for Scientific Exploration’. He is a contributing writer for Foreign Policy Journal. His articles have been published in the Journal of Social, Political and Economic StudiesGeopolitica (Moscow State University); India QuarterlyInternational Journal of Russian StudiesInternational Journal of Social EconomicsInstanbul Literary ReviewIrish Journal of Gothic and Horror Studies (Trinity College), etc. His books include: Babel Inc.; Perón and PeronismThe Psychotic LeftArtists of the RightGeopolitics of the Indo-PacificThe Parihaka CultRevolution from AboveThe Banking Swindle

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ENDNOTES, July 24th 2015

BBC-forces-assembled-for-Prom-1-CR-BBC-Chris-Christodoulou

BBC forces assembled for Prom-1-CR BBC Chris Christodoulou

ENDNOTES, July 24th 2015

First Night of the Proms

Stuart Millson attends a much loved event

As a young 19-year-old Promenader, I can remember the sense of expectation that I and others felt in the Arena queue for the First Night of the 1984 Proms. After Vaughan Williams’s A London Symphony and Sea Pictures by Elgar (sung by the great Dame Janet Baker), the Chief Conductor of the BBC Symphony Orchestra, Sir John Pritchard, steered his large-scale choral and instrumental forces through Walton’s oratorio, Belshazzar’s Feast. Making my way to the Royal Albert Hall for the 2015 opening concert, I found that – at the age of 50 – none of my enthusiasm for this work, and indeed for the Proms, had in any way been diminished by the passage of time. Walton’s music, too, is highly durable: this lavish choral work from the 1930s (possibly the composer’s greatest decade) sounding mint-fresh and utterly compelling in its telling of the fall of Babylon – not one part of the score seeming in any way dated or “of its time”. Belshazzar’s Feast will always be modern music.

It is quite true: I had come to the First Night chiefly to hear Walton’s thrilling music, although the BBC programme planners had compiled a stimulating, contrasting evening – with Nielsen’s Maskarade Overture as its energetic curtain-raiser; and a new work of many rhythms and layers by accessible contemporary composer, Gary Carpenter, to follow. A Mozart Piano Concerto (No. 20 – played with true grace and subtle, classical colouring by Lars Vogt) also appeared; and a somewhat rare Sibelius suite, inspired by the story of Belshazzar.

The Proms this year is celebrating the 150th anniversary of Dane, Carl Nielsen (1865-1931), and for those who haven’t yet bought the BBC Proms Guide, do so. The publication contains a highly informative piece on the composer’s life – his journey to Britain, on which he met the founder-conductor of the Proms, Sir Henry Wood; and much additional background on Danish identity and philosophy. The Art Editor of the Guide also deserves huge praise for the choice of an enchanting 1930s’ travel-poster illustration which accompanies the article: a haze of sunshine over a lowland landscape – the single word – Nielsen – appearing where “Visit Denmark” probably appeared.

Under the baton of the BBC Symphony Orchestra’s present Chief Conductor, the Finnish maestro, Sakari Oramo, Maskarade from Nielsen’s 1906, Holberg-inspired operatic masterpiece galloped along in fizzing style: the players enjoying its jaunty, almost comic quality – and yet seizing upon the pulse of serious energy which runs through nearly every work by this composer; a figure who grasped and embodied both “absolute” music in all its extremity and fury, and the folk-music of old-remembered places from his youth. The Maskarade overture has several wonderful moments: an abrupt, almost rasping oompah outburst (with two cymbal clashes for good measure), and a whirligig descent into a full-throttle finale – the whole orchestra, unstoppable and breathless.

Contemporary British composer, Gary Carpenter (b. 1951) is an interesting figure – a musician who set out in the 1960s learning composition at the Royal College of Music, and serving on such projects as the 1973 film (set on a sinister Pagan Scottish island), The Wicker Man. Film buffs and enthusiasts for cult music may remember the “sound” of this film: its weird processions of clashing brass, and seemingly innocent folkish fiddle-playing, all adding a strange sense of approaching doom. This time, Gary Carpenter has been inspired by the work of artist, Max Ernst: a wall of iron (but actually made of cork) from 1924 which hangs in a gallery in Liverpool. The opening of this piece – Dadaville – reminded me of the Dawn interlude from Britten’s Peter Grimes, but from this brief serenity arose a score which assembled and toyed with many stronger, more abstract sounds (the orchestration included a saxophone) – ending with a bang of actual pyrotechnics from above the orchestra.

Prom-1.-Modern-British-composer-Gary-Carpenter.-CR_BBC-Chris-Christodoulou

Prom 1.Modern British composer Gary Carpenter. CR BBC Chris Christodoulou

Over the years, the Proms has made something of a tradition of including such pieces (by composers such as Simon Bainbridge, Thomas Adès et al): instantaneous, interesting, technically brilliant, and not entirely without tonality, but works that seem to this reviewer to be clever exercises, rather than music which is destined to endure because it has either a story or a great heart. However, I found myself enjoying Dadaville, and I warmed to Gary Carpenter when he was interviewed on Radio 3 (his serious yet down-to-earth character, and easy-going way of explaining his style and motivation making for a very enjoyable broadcast).

The inclusion of Mozart’s Piano Concerto No. 20, well known for its second movement (a gentle, delicate, wistful bone-china tune from an 18th-century drawing room, rather than a concert hall) brought a classical calm to the middle of the concert – Lars Vogt clearly relishing his chance to perform with the BBC Symphony Orchestra (he kept leaning towards the front-desk violins and interacting with the players); and warming at the same time to the closeness of the large promenade audience, all of whom seemed to be in a state of complete concentration. Perhaps, though, it might have been better to have included a slightly more robust, purposeful concerto for this programme, as the watery classicism of this delightful D minor piece just managed (again – a very personal view) to lessen the flow, and interrupt “the sense” of the evening; my mind wandering just a little. Usually, you might not find Mozart and Walton in the same concert, but the Proms being what it is, juxtapositions can sometimes work out well – and there was no doubting Lars Vogt’s brilliance.

Sibelius is well known for his symphonies (which will be played later in the season); for his Finlandia and En Saga. Yet there is a body of smaller-scale pieces – King Christian ll, incidental music to The Tempest, and a suite, Belshazzar’s Feast, which bring out a further meditative, lyricist side to a composer, often seen as representing great rocks, ice-flows and dark forests. An oriental colouring melts the Finnish ice for a quarter-of-an-hour: Sibelius’s ‘Belshazzar’ giving us a soft introductory march, some strongly-coloured, almost exotic writing for woodwind, and a gentle Valse Triste-style waltz at the work’s conclusion.

Having set the scene in ancient Babylon, the Prom moved to its overwhelming conclusion: the massed forces of the BBC National Chorus of Wales, the BBC Symphony Chorus and Singers, and the BBC Symphony Orchestra – augmented by two off-stage brass bands, and the great Royal Albert Hall organ – bringing to the packed hall the full force of Walton’s masterpiece. And yet, the riotous impact of this extravagant composition is only felt at certain places – the work beginning in a tense, subdued half-light; the deep, slow rumble of violas, cellos, double-basses, and the massed-chorus (in soft tones) evoking “the waters of Babylon”, and in the line, “yea we wept and hanged our harps upon the willows…” summoning a sense of tragedy. The solo baritone, Christopher Maltman, produced a deep, sonorous tone; projecting his voice – with perfect diction – to the whole hall – a contribution which added a theatrical, operatic drama to the evening. One of his most important lines –

If I forget thee, O Jerusalem, Let my right hand forget her cunning. If I do not remember thee, Let my tongue cleave to the roof of my mouth. Yea, if I prefer not Jerusalem above my chief joy…”

– was delivered with an intensity I have seldom heard, building one of the first great climactic moments of the work.

Sakari Oramo also opted for a slightly slower tempo than is customary with performances of Belshazzar’s Feast (which often tend to race forward, gaining not power, but a feeling of congestion) – the result of which was the opening up of much grander vistas for the huge choir which spanned the entire “back” of the hall. The score “breathed” and unfolded, enabling everyone to savour every instrumental colour – even the thundering, vibrating and rumbling of the Royal Albert Hall organ, which was like a pillar of sound from ancient Babylon. The complicated exertions and build-ups – such as “Praise ye the gods” – were delivered with tremendous force and unanimity; a great feat for such a massive, spread-out array and battery of musical instruments and voices.

A sense of calm, cathedral-like, Elgarian visionary Englishness changes the mood of the work, close to the end:

“While the Kings of the Earth lament, And the merchants of the Earth Weep, wail and rend their raiment. They cry, Alas, Alas, that great city…”

Soon, a small section of choir members are on their own, in a passage reminiscent of the composer’s Masefield setting, Where does the uttered music go? However, timpani thumps out a new quick-stepping idea, and the whole ensemble moves into jubilant action again, as “Babylon the great” falls. Five abrupt orchestral utterances then unleash the last great roar from the BBC Symphony Orchestra; with brass almost floating upon an immense organ chord.

All that was left for the audience to do was to cheer.

But I hope readers will bear with me, with this last (sentimental) indulgence… As I left Queen Victoria and Prince Albert’s hall that evening, it was difficult not to feel pride: pride in our musical tradition, in the musicians whose work we had enjoyed, and in the British Broadcasting Corporation which has run and championed the Proms since 1927.

Prom-1-Sakari-Oramo-conducts-the-BBC-SO.-Picture-CR-BBC-Chris-Christodoulou

Prom 1 Sakari Oramo conducts the BBC SO. Picture CR BBC Chris Christodoulou

STUART MILLSON is the Classical Music Editor of The Quarterly Review

 

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Keep it in the Family

Neanderthal_human_cropped_black_background

Keep it in the Family

Ed Dutton assesses a pioneering thinker

The Life History Approach to Human Differences: A Tribute to J. Philippe Rushton, Helmuth Nyborg (Ed.), 2015, London: Ulster Institute for Social Research, 369pp. £20 (paperback), £5 (e-book).

J. Philippe Rushton (1943-2012) was unquestionably Canada’s most controversial academic when he died of Addison’s disease at the end of 2012. Upon his death, Canadian headlines termed him ‘controversial’ and one even asserted ‘Rushton’s Ideas Died With Him.’

This book is a testament to the inaccuracy of that assertion. Edited by Danish psychologist Helmuth Nyborg, himself no stranger to the trouble caused when academic research questions the dogmas of the Political Correctness, it brings together a series of essays by academic supporters of Rushton originally published in the journal Personality and Individual Differences. These are preceded by an interview with Rushton, conducted by Nyborg and originally published in that journal, and Nyborg’s obituary of Rushton.

From these two sources, we learn that Rushton was born in Bournemouth but that his parents emigrated, first to South Africa and then to Canada. Rushton returned to the UK to do a degree in psychology at Birkbeck and then a PhD on the subject of altruism in children at the LSE. However, he first rose to prominence in 1989, by now working at Canada’s University of Western Ontario. At a conference in that year, at which the media were present, he advanced his ‘Life History Approach to Human Differences’ which gives this book its title.

Underpinning his argument was the notion of r-K selection. In an unpredictable though plentiful environment, animals will follow an r-strategy, a fast life history. In this context, it pays to have as many progeny as possible and to live fast and die young, investing little in individual offspring. At the opposite end of the spectrum are K-strategists, slow life history strategists. If an environment is stable but harsh then the maximum carrying capacity for the species will be reached and members of the species will start competing against each other. The ones more likely to win this competition will be bigger, stronger, healthier, more cooperative, and more experienced. So K-strategists invest less energy is procreation and more in caring for their (smaller number of) offspring so that these are more likely to survive this fierce competition and more in adapting to the environment. In this context, it pays to live life more slowly. Rushton’s major innovation, so argue the scholars in this essay collection, was to extend this model to humans, something Rushton called ‘Differential K.’

In essence, he argued that what he called ‘Negroids’ were the most r-selected race, ‘Mongoloids’ were the least and ‘Caucasians’ were intermediate, though closer to ‘Mongoloids.’ This was entirely congruous with the differing nature of their ancestral environments and he marshaled a huge amount of evidence to prove this, in terms of race differences in personality, speed of development, twinning and many other variables.

The result, in 1989, was outrage. The newspapers condemned him as racist as did many academics, PC campaigners stormed his department and scrawled graffiti on his door, the governor of his province looked into prosecuting him but eventually declared him ‘Looney but not criminal,’ and he had to appeal, successfully, against an unsatisfactory rating on his research. Later, he was banned from teaching, and even physically assaulted at a conference. Nyborg compares Rushton to Galileo, a thought criminal who was persecuted for questioning the doctrines of day.

A full summary of Rushton’s model was published in his 1995 book, Race, Evolution and Behavior: A Life History Perspective. From the perspective of the authors in this essay collection, Rushton appears to be a hugely influential scholar – a genius – whose ‘Differential K model’ has passed the test of a genuine scientific, theoretical breakthrough, akin to Evolution. It has made sense of a huge amount of data in the simplest and most parsimonious way possible, it allows testable predictions (and thus a whole research program can be built upon it) and it unifies (conciliates) different fields of thought, in this case psychology and biology.

The essays themselves evaluate, positively, Rushton’s contribution to various fields in psychology. Many people argue that IQ tests are culturally biased against certain races. However, according to Arthur Jensen, Rushton showed that these races perform the worst on the most general intelligence (g)-loaded parts of these tests; i.e. on the least culturally biased parts of the test. In a particularly fascinating piece, Linda Gottfredson clinically dissects the hostile academic response to Rushton’s theory. She statistically sets out the degree to which fallacies – especially ad hominem ones – were used against him and provides a check-list of ‘Yes-but’ gambits used by PC scientists which Rushton rebutted up until the ultimate gambit of ‘your results may be true but they are unthinkable!’

Various studies provide further proof for Rushton’s arguments. Numerical, spatial, and verbal intelligence positively correlate because people, in general, who are smart on one measure are smart on all of them. This means we can posit ‘general intelligence.’ In a similar way, various authors argue that differences in measures of personality – Extravert, Neurotic, Conscientious, Agreeable etc. – are underpinned by a ‘General Factor of Personality’, the essence of which is whether you are high or low in K. One of them presents new evidence of personality differences between Europeans and Asians in the direction Rushton would predict. Other articles test Rushton’s theory using global behavior variation and even race differences in penis length and size. Rushton argued that being K-evolved meant low testosterone and thus smaller penis size among males.

Interestingly, Salter and Harpending look at Rushton’s contribution to the study of ethnocentrism. Rushton found considerable evidence for his ‘Genetic Similarity Theory’: people assort along genetic lines and show genetic nepotism, even within families*. Rushton showed that sexual partners are more genetically similar to each other than the population average, as are best friends. He also demonstrated the prevalence of ethnic nepotism, arguing that ethnic groups are divided along genetic lines and that ethnic nepotism is explicable in terms of Genetic Similarity Theory.

This book is obviously aimed at academics, but most of the essays are written so that they could be followed by somebody with no training is psychology. This will be a useful book for psychology students and the layman interested in what is at worst a controversial and thought-provoking and at best a ground-breaking theory. In particular, if you have read Race, Evolution and Behavior it is certainly worth reading this volume as a tight and select summary of how that work has been developed.

Edward Dutton is the author of Religion and Intelligence: An Evolutionary Analysis (Ulster Institute for Social Research, 2014). He can be found online at edwarddutton.wordpress.com

********************************************************************

*EDITORIAL NOTE: regarding nepotism, as President of the Pioneer Fund, Rushton reportedly practised what he preached        

 

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The Reappeared

Irish bogland

The Reappeared

by Derek Turner

Deep in the tangle of the past
He dreams, and we sometimes dream of him –
Lying in anxiety of roots,
Dead seeds, and splatted fruits,
Waiting in the acid earth
For the blade that brings rebirth.

Rains rolled above his head
While he lay, blacked the tufts, greened them again,
Time-lapse regathered clouds assailed
And curlews almost pierced his veil
Their thin cries swirl like paint in water,
Corpse-lights show the place of slaughter.

Long-legged time – insect time
Skaters, boatmen, whirligigs
Danced across his private drain
While peat pickled and stained
His pallid flesh to leather beige,
Uniting with the Iron Age.

And so we see his grin again,
His blank stare across bog-blooms
Trembling in sun like that he’d seen
In the days before he came here –
Came here? – More like pushed and dragged
Rope-burned, half-choked, poleaxed

For reasons of state, cause, rite,
He relinquished his claim on the daylight,
Shuffled hour-long last minutes on foot
(Or bundled and bounced in a car-boot)
Last sight – he swears – last thought, “No chance!”
Ice moon, moss that squelched to distance.

Blent with the fragrant turf, sewn
Into the flag fabric, he warms homes
With reveries of buried sunlight
National lies still legend-bright –
Except one home, where a few remember
Fading, fated family member.

Rushes and reeds, marsh weeds
To bind the sod together –
Millennial torso in a museum
Gun salutes at an arboretum –
Volunteers fallen, or traitors shot –
Troubles will always be our lot.

Poem by DEREK TURNER, the former editor of QR

His website is at www.derek-turner.com

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Tradition in Fantasy and Science Fiction

nazgul_by_danijel81

Tradition in Fantasy and Science Fiction

Mark Wegierski examines four main foci for traditionalist impulses in these genres

[This article is based on a draft of a presentation read at the Fantastic Literature Conference, The Basic Categories of Fantastic Literature Revisited, Lodz, Poland: University of Lodz, October 21-23, 2012.]

Fantasy and science fiction are genres where traditionalist impulses can persist, in an increasingly desacralized, disenchanted, and “mundane” world. The four main points of focus for these impulses are mapped onto several subgenres of fantasy and science fiction. Such a typology creates a helpful method for distinguishing between these various subgenres.

High Fantasy

The first point of focus consists of nostalgia for a “greener world” and is identified with high-fantasy, especially the writings of J.R.R. Tolkien. High-fantasy is frequently characterized by a lament for the “thinning of the world” and is in fact quite congruent with traditionalist despair at the increasing loss of meaning in current-day society. Frequently, in high fantasy, past ages of a “sub-created world” are grander and more magical than the world of the present, while magical forces are often on the wane in the current day, what Max Weber called the disenchantment of the world. This finds an easy conceptual correspondence to the conservative and traditionalist lament for the so-called good old days. High fantasy is also often characterized by fear of an encroaching quasi-industrial or machine age – which is frequently identified with the forces of evil. It participates therefore in the Romantic disdain for the “dark Satanic mills” – a sentiment which is also apt to partake of traditionalist and conservative impulses. Also, the better characters in high-fantasy usually have good manners and a sense of reserve and modesty. This too corresponds to a conservative ideal. These good manners are typical of social existence in somewhat earlier periods of human history (according to conservatives at any rate). Also, quite obviously in high-fantasy, kings and queens, princes and princesses, as well as lords and ladies of various sorts are the main rulers of society – which feeds into the pro-monarchic and pro-aristocratic ideas that at least some conservatives hold, at least sentimentally. High fantasy like that of Tolkien also celebrates the rootedness of life in the countryside (such as found in the hobbits’ Shire), the attachment to place associated with noble and ancient cities (such as Minas Tirith), and the perennial traditions of proud and confident nations (such as Gondor and Rohan).

Sword-and-Sorcery

The second point of focus is that of the neo-pagan heroic, which is identified with the sword-and-sorcery subgenre. Here, the paradigmatic works are Robert E. Howard’s Conan stories. The great popularity of this subgenre can be seen as a response to an increasingly bureaucratized, over-regulated society. Indeed, it may be a form of displaced protest on the part of increasingly “geek-ified” males who long for a Nietzschean heroism. They yearn for some expression of ardent masculinity – for ferocious sword-fights and unbridled and readily fulfilled episodes of lust slaked by the nubile warrior-women, sorceresses, princesses, and elf-maidens that are typical of the sword-and-sorcery milieu. These impulses are probably among the main reasons for the popularity of fantasy role-playing games (RPG’s) such as Dungeons and Dragons.

While some males are apt to become absorbed entirely by the innerness of a fantasy world, for others, it is possible for these impulses to be rendered more dynamic and lead to a more actively aggressive and coherent resistance to the world of late modernity, where nowadays straight white males are particularly subject to the severe strictures of political correctness. Even the “geekiest” of males can sometimes show a flash of steely resolve that is expressed in constructive (hopefully not destructive) action, when they have been badgered for too long.

The heroism of the Conan vision stands in marked contrast to the sort of heroism usually expressed in the high-fantasy typified by Tolkien, who warns against the unbridled will-to-power. The most obviously Nietzschean hero in Tolkien’s Lord of the Rings is Boromir, who succumbs to the seductive lure of the Ring of Power. In contrast, it is the ordinary, humble, unassuming hobbits who in the end succeed in the quest to destroy the Ring of Power.

Feudal values plus high technology

The third focus for traditionalism is what has been called “feudal values plus high-technology”. This term was first prominently used by noted left-wing science fiction writer Judith Merril in 1985, when she ruefully complained that this was the most common typology of most of the more popular science fiction. This typology is present in most types of space-opera, as well as in military science fiction.

One of the archetypal works here is Frank Herbert’s Dune (1965), which, among other issues, examines the question of whether it is possible for some forms of traditional ethos to persist in societies of very high technology. In his future-history, Herbert posited the so-called Butlerian Jihad (named after its leader, Jehanne Butler), a smashing-up of advanced robots and sentient computers. The Jihad took place in what was already a civilization of numerous star systems and worlds, existing beyond our own age about ten thousand years into the future. As Herbert recounted it (in the Dune Encyclopedia, 1984) the spark for the Jihad arose out of a supervisory AI ordering an abortion for Jehanne of a child that she knew was healthy. In this scenario, a more advanced planet had been dominating a more quote primitive planet and arbitrarily interfering in its customs. The abortions were being ordered for arbitrary reasons. The upshot was that humans recoiled against some forms of advanced technology and embarked on a neo-traditionalist trajectory for at least the next ten thousand years. In the wake of the destruction of the thinking computers and robots, a neo-feudal society emerged, characterized by the maxim: “A place for every man, and every man in his place.”

A major subgenre in science fiction is so-called military SF. Although, on the one hand, it portrays a very technologized world of war machines and various military gadgets, on the other, it allows for a portrayal of the rebirth of a very “masculine” ethos, encompassing soldiers’ honour, courage in battle, loyalty, and zealous engagement in national-type political-military conflicts. The paradigmatic example of this subgenre is probably Robert Heinlein’s Starship Troopers. (Incidentally, the 1997 movie, largely a parody, was highly unfaithful to the original text of the book.) Another very prominent author of military SF is Jerry Pournelle. An interesting subgenre of military SF is that focussed on mercenary units, who fight courageously but with cynicism towards the state entities they serve. This allows various writers to voice libertarian-type sentiments about the decency of individual soldiers and their “regimental family”, while commenting on the typically corrupt nature of the state entities that they serve.

The subgenre of space opera shares definite crossover elements with fantasy. The early paradigmatic example of space-opera within science fiction writing is E. E. (Doc) Smith’s Lensmen series. Meanwhile, the paradigmatic example of space opera in film is, of course, George Lucas’ Star Wars series. George Lucas’ original Star Wars trilogy can be interpreted as a cheering, heroic series of movies which played no small part in the renewal of American willingness to resist the “Soviet empire” in the 1980s.

Lois McMaster Bujold has written one of the most successful space opera sagas, featuring the diminutive and partially-disabled Myles Vorkosigan, who nevertheless drives himself to succeed in a socially harsh cultural and political setting.

John Maddox Roberts’ Cestus Dei (1983) features an interstellar empire based explicitly on religious principles and an alliance of Earth religions. It portrays the Pope, the Dalai Lama, and other religious leaders as cooperating and yet at the same time competing galactic administrators with the Earth as their centre. The novel concerns a Jesuit who schemes his way to the highest circles of a human society on another Earth-like planet, described as “the Rome of the Caesars with atomic weapons”.

The two-volume Galactic Empires anthology edited by Brian Aldiss (1976) is a particularly good example of various space opera stories. One should note especially, “The Rebel of Valkyr” (originally published in 1950) by Alfred Coppel, which has been characterized as “Horses in the Starship Hold”. The premise is that a galactic imperial civilization attacks the Andromeda galaxy. The even more-advanced Andromedan counter-attack destroys all sophisticated technology, except for star-ships. Advanced technology is therefore considered cursed, and its exploration is confined to “warlocks” and “witches”, that is to say scientists working in secret. Society is thus almost entirely medieval, the only exception being that interstellar travel is possible on the hulk-type star-ships, which are manned by a highly prestigious guild of navigators, i.e., quasi-priests. Through established rituals and memorization, they are somehow able to guide the star-ships to their destinations.

A highly regarded example of this typology that must be mentioned is Gene Wolfe’s Book of the New Sun series (original tetralogy, 1980-1983). This is the tale of Severian, a professional torturer troubled by his conscience who eventually becomes ruler of a planet called Urth. The setting is Gothic, Baroque, and filled with archaic language. In fact, Gene Wolfe took enormous care in using only pre-existent, archaic or rare words rather than inventing any new words in his description of the world of Severian.

Arthur C. Clarke, one of the best known science fiction authors, has made the provocative statement that “any sufficiently advanced technology is indistinguishable from magic.”

A return to older forms of human organization in the future may not be as unlikely as some might think. During the 1980s debate over the nuclear winter theory, the respected popular scientist Carl Sagan suggested that the reason the universe is not teeming with intelligent life (as some astronomical theories had proposed to be the case) is that, as every intelligent species develops technology, it is faced with a developmental crisis that in most cases results in its extinction. Sagan had suggested that it is probably nuclear war that is the vehicle for this extinction. Although Sagan was highly critical of Reagan’s policies of the 1980s, the argument can certainly be turned in a quasi-traditionalist direction. If we do not deal with the hyper technology overwhelming our planet by pursuing an order that only some form of neo-traditionalist and/or neo-authoritarian arrangement can provide, our human societies are doomed to fly apart and possibly lapse into oblivion from the disintegrating forces attendant on too-rapid technological advancement. So feudal values juxtaposed with high-technology may indeed be one possible future for humankind (or for any other intelligent species that is faced with the need to surmount a similar developmental crisis). Whether these planet-wide “feudal” elements can be provided by distinctly more humane and peaceable religions and national traditions rather than by violent means remains to be seen.

This typology gives traditionalists hope that the future will not be “hypermodern”, but rather “postmodern” (to give this term a highly eclectic usage). In this scenario there will be some kind of return to tradition, of “moving forward to the past”.

Also, some settings of alternative-history posit worlds that may be more to the liking of traditionalists and essentially replicate this typology. Take, for example, Sheldon Vanauken’s notion (expressed as part of his non-fiction book The Glittering Illusion, 1985) that a victorious Dixie would have joined the British Empire, the eventual result being a quick Allied victory in World War I and with a more traditional modernity following in its wake. It is usual for conservatives to suggest that slavery would have been relatively quickly abolished in the South and that black-white relations would have actually been better without the association of black advancement with triumphant Northern aggression. Alternative history centred on the premise of Hitler being thwarted earlier in his nefarious career should also be of strong interest to traditionalists, as presumably, under such a scenario, more of the “Old Europe” would have been saved for the future.

“Hypermodern” Dystopia

The fourth point of focus is marked by a lonely, existential resistance to “hypermodern” dystopia. This focal emphasis posits future societies that constitute an extension, not a negation, of modern trends. That is to say, the trends of modernity are extrapolated to ever increasing extremes.

One of the most typical genres here is cyberpunk. Cyberpunk (a paradigmatic example being William Gibson’s Neuromancer, 1984) depicts a vision of technological dystopia or semi-dystopia, sometimes called “an air-conditioned nightmare”. In the cyberpunk world, the planet is dominated by huge transnational corporations and so-called virtual reality or cyberspace. The latter is imagined as an autonomous electronic realm with which specially equipped “cyberjockeys” can interact and is indeed a central element of life and power struggles. Within this dystopian scenario there exist multifarious interpenetrations of humankind, the electronic realm, gadgetry, machinery, and genetic manipulation.

The most prominent examples of cyberpunk in film are Ridley Scott’s Blade Runner (1982) (loosely based on Philip K. Dick’s Do Androids Dream of Electric Sheep?,1968) and the Wachowskis’ The Matrix (1999).

Ray Bradbury’s Fahrenheit 451 (1953) points to the approaching perils of a consumerist and post-literate society, where books are burned by so-called firemen.

Book_burning

The Space Merchants (sometimes also titled Gravy Planet) (1952), by Cyril Kornbluth and Frederik Pohl, presents a polluted planet of ostentatious, consumerist capitalism where, for example, oak wood is worth more than gold, the reason being that there are very few living trees left. An interesting aspect of this work is that the forces opposing this world exist in an underground organization called the World Conservationist Union. They are derided as “Consies” – a word that might equally suggest “Commies” or “conservatives”. In fact, the tendencies that stand in opposition to this world can easily be characterized as embracing both socio-cultural and pro-ecological conservatism, although the authors might not have explicitly intended this as the message of the book.

Cyberpunk would not appear at first glance to be a subgenre at all friendly to a traditionalist orientation. It is interesting to note that, although it portrays such a “gritty world”, many people who read this sort of fiction identify with the independent cyberjockeys and experience a kind of exhilaration in this literature. In point of fact, many readers who have a tedious and uninteresting life are captivated by the sense of adventure inherent in this subgenre, although more often than not it depicts a dystopian world. Perhaps the real reason for cyberpunk’s attractiveness is not so much the gadgets, but the fact that the reader can identify with a cyberjockey living a far more interesting life than that of the reader.

Cyberpunk may suggest ideas that could be termed neo-Romantic, a Romanticism based only on one’s own humanity rather than on the natural world. Nature in fact is virtually non-existent, but in this gritty, poisoned world where there are virtually no other living creatures except cockroaches, humans must somehow find meaning and sense in life through their own resources and devices.

The extrapolation of this idea to contemporary reality suggests a kind of solution to our latter-day “crisis of identity”. No longer labouring under the sense that roots are being “imposed on them”, in the end humans make a choice in full freedom to embrace their traditional roots, not excluding at the same time partial identifications with the various other collectivities of late modernity. It would be extremely difficult in today’s world to demand total immersion in tradition. Insofar as we live nowadays in a society that – apparently at least – places enormous stock in free choice, opting freely in such case to become re-invested in a cultural context marked by traditional roots constitutes a strong challenge and a not insubstantial ideological conundrum for today’s prevailing system.

A yet further subgenre is that of “the lonely, wounded hero” in opposition to a corrupt society. Examples of this are Andrew Lloyd-Webber’s theatrical-operatic reinterpretation of The Phantom of the Opera, the Beauty and the Beast television series (1987-1990) (which unfortunately ended in such a pessimistic way), the new Batman epics, and the movie Ladyhawke (1985), which showed a black-clad knight fighting on behalf of the Church of Rome against a heretical, white-clad bishop and sorcerer of seemingly limitless powers. It could be argued that, in today’s society, the “true masculine” has been forced into the underground or subconscious of society. The appeal of these various productions could be attributed to the attempt to allow the so-called whole man to re-emerge.

The V for Vendetta movie (2006), based on the 1980s comic-book series by Alan Moore and David Lloyd, combined the fascinating imagery of the dark-tinged Romantic hero fighting for his beloved and also against a corrupt society, but with a high degree of political correctness in the portrayal of that corrupt society as stereotypically fascist.

There are as well those classic works of dystopia that can be seen to imply a traditionalist critique of modernity, such as, most prominently, Aldous Huxley’s Brave New World (1932) and George Orwell’s Nineteen Eighty-Four (1949). While left-wing critics focus in on the genetic caste system of Brave New World as symptomatic of “corporate conservatism”, it seems that Huxley’s point is much different. The posited abolition of God, history, and the family in Huxley’s dystopia points to the work as a classic of conservative criticism of society. Also, the book has to be read very carefully for one to notice a lot of the very disgusting aspects of the dystopia that might not be apparent on a superficial read-through. It is possible to see the main characters of Brave New World, Bernard Marx, John the Savage, and Helmholtz Watson as pointing to different aspects of possible resistance to late modernity, embodying the following concepts, roughly speaking: alienation and social awkwardness, the passion of opposition, and (for the lucky few) superb accomplishment and success.

As for Orwell’s Nineteen Eighty-Four, it is at its most obvious level a critique of Stalinism – a courageous stance for a Western intellectual to take at that time. The work can also be seen to evince a yearning for the traditions of Britain and England. At the same time, Orwell makes highly astute observations about the nature of political and social control, a great many of which can fairly easily be applied to today’s political correctness. He makes the vital point that semantic control is probably the most important part of controlling people – or as he puts it, “Newspeak is Ingsoc, and Ingsoc is Newspeak”. Many traditionalists in Western societies today can certainly identify with various elements (though obviously not all) of Winston Smith’s dissident experience.

Jean Raspail’s The Camp of the Saints (1973) – which portrays the West overwhelmed by Third World immigration – may be added to the great literary dystopias.

Conclusion

These foci offer practical points of departure in terms of social and ideological re-alignment – as far as traditionalism is concerned. For its part, high-fantasy such as that of Tolkien certainly has the potential to inspire cultural and ecological resistance to the more negative aspects of late modernity. Sword-and-sorcery might in some cases increase the confidence of persons critical of late modernity, although it can also result in an escape into a fantasy world. Cyberpunk and some dystopias provide a warning about the future, pointing to future worlds that traditionalists don’t want to happen. However, boldly extrapolative science fiction such as that of Frank Herbert can be seen as having affinities with “prophecy”, suggesting some of the ways in which a traditional ethos might be able to persist in societies with a very highly advanced technology.

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Mark Wegierski is a Toronto-based science fiction and fantasy aficionado

 

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Rachel Dolezal: A Racially Abused Girl – Really?

Rachel Dolezal

Rachel Dolezal

Rachel Dolezal: A Racially Abused Girl – Really?

Ilana Mercer visits la la land

Not so fast, Rachel Dolezal. The country is not finished with you yet. It merely got distracted. We scampered in other directions: on to the “genocidal” Confederate flag and the depraved-heart murders of Freddy Gray (black) and Kathryn Steinle. More “Black Lives Matter” riots took place. Not one “White Lives Matter” march was held. (And as one wag tweeted, Ms. Steinle didn’t sufficiently resemble Barack Obama’s daughters for him to give a damn.)

Since Dolezal dropped-off the radar, a lot has happened. It’s safe to say, however, that everyone is still barking mad, forever poised to heap scorn on her fake Afro.

Dolezal, if you’re from Deep Space, is the lily white woman who dared to “identify” as a black woman. The “Racial Industrial Complex” (a Jack Kerwick coinage) is populated with frauds, shysters, imposters, phonies, morons; black, white and 50 shades of gray.

Ms. Dolezal had been posing as all of these, teaching mambo-jumbo studies at the Bush College of Eastern Washington University. Our American Idiocracy confers the respect and the authority of a pedagogue on many like her, allowing them to spread the disease to college kids and beyond.

Why not Rachel?

The Age of the Idiot sees killers exculpated, just because they kill. As the reasoning goes, if an individual has murdered, raped, or is a feckless jailhouse whore—then he or she must have been abused, neglected, racially oppressed (if black or brown); not wealthy enough, mentally ill, lacking in self-esteem. Anything but plain bad, slothful, sociopathic or parasitical. The more aberrant the crime; the more thrill-seeking, vulgar, immoral or wicked the conduct—the more elaborate, fanciful and scientifically baseless the excuse-making.

In fact, around this if B then A, backward, erroneous reasoning, an industry has arisen. It’s called psychiatry. The psychiatric endeavor—voodoo, really—is premised on the medicalization of misconduct. The reason Ms. Dolezal has been denied the benefits of this excuse-making industry is that she has encroached on black supremacy’s turf. This protected turf acts as a medieval guild or a modern trade union. In cahoots with the state, the “Racial-Industrial Complex” protects its members from competition, by limiting entry into the professionally aggrieved class.

To be black, you see, is more than a pigment; it’s an identity, a politics, an entitlement, one-upmanship, a lifetime IOY (I Own You).

Poor Rachel painted her face orange, gave herself a Sideshow Bob hairdo, and adopted the ideology of the eternally oppressed. Big deal. Most of America’s authentic poseurs are phonies who’ve never been oppressed.

Unlike most blacks, Dolezal—by the admission of the president of the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People’s Washington-State chapter—had done “quality work” to “elevate the issues of civil rights.”

“I just want to feel beautiful, and this is how I feel beautiful,” the woman said rather plaintively. Yes, Dolezal is the white face of parental and societal displacement. Why am I the only one to find her pitiful, even deserving of pity?

In America, black is beautiful.

To be black is to be more righteous, nobler; carry the heaviest historic baggage—heavier than the Holocaust—and be encouraged to perpetually and publicly pick at those suppurating sores.

To be black is to have an unwritten, implicit social contract with wider, whiter society.

To be black it to be born with an IOY, I Own You; it is to be owed apologies, obsequiousness, education, and auto-exculpation for any wrongdoing.

Why can’t Rachel have some of that?

Was not Ms. Dolezal displaced for real in her parents’ affections? Rachel’s story should begin with parents Larry and Ruthanne Dolezal, who adopted four children, “three of whom were African-American while the other was from Haiti.”

Does this not send a message to a vulnerable girl that she and her biological brother are too pale for their pious parents?

Spokesperson for the quasi-black Brady Bunch is Ezra Dolezal. Ezra grew up in the diversity worshiping, evangelical, Dolezal household. He now lectures his estranged sister about her shenanigans in black-face.

The Chutzpah!

The once anemic-looking, fair-skinned Rachel was raised with a real sense that she was not black enough for her parents. Why do I say “real”? Because, like Angelina Jolie, Larry and Ruthanne Dolezal kept acquiring kids more colorful than their own.

Kids are needy creatures. Parenting is a complex endeavor. However great their reservoirs of love, sense of fair play and goodwill—two parents do not have enough of the good stuff to spread among six kids. Mark my words: Brangelina’s beautiful, biological offspring will also one day display signs of childhood racial abuse.

Lest I be called on the carpet (or the mosaic floor, rather) for deploying the backward reasoning I previously deplored:

I am not here psychologizing Dolezal’s perplexing behavior. No need. By reality’s standards—not those unscientifically set by the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders (DSM–∞/eternity)—Rachel was displaced. Dolezal has thus recreated the primal scene of her childhood by becoming in adulthood—experientially, at least—blacker than her adopted brothers and sisters.

She deserves a break.

Ilana Mercer is a paleolibertarian writer, based in the U.S.  She pens WND’s longest-standing, exclusive paleolibertarian column, “Return to Reason.” She is a fellow at the Jerusalem Institute for Market Studies. Her latest book is “Into the Cannibal’s Pot: Lessons For America From Post-Apartheid South Africa.” Her website is www.IlanaMercer.com.  She blogs at  www.barelyablog.com   Follow her on Twitter:  https://twitter.com/IlanaMercer “Friend” her on Facebook: https://www.facebook.com/ilanamercer.libertarian

 

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“Pre-Flight”

Moon and Clouds

“Pre-Flight”

By Marcus Bales

A tired, blood-shot moon was staring down
Half-closed with puffy clouds, as if the night
Before had been too hard, too late, too much.
The wind was building like a headache, brown
Around its sharpening edges. It blurred my sight,
And grit was all that I could taste or touch.

She ran her engine up and down to test,
Then shut it off, climbed out, and zipped her vest
Against the wind. She paid her bill in cash
And turned at last to me. And there we were.
I tried to say how much I wished she’d change
Her mind, in spite of everything, and stay.
We talked about the wind, her fuel and range,
And where she’d land, and how long she should rest.
I’d nearly nerved myself to reach for her
And try to say it somehow anyway
When over to the east a pinkish flash
Went off like an alarm to send her west.

We’d waited there together for the dawn
And it had come too soon. The sky was clear
The moon had set, the wind was just a breeze.
Could lifetimes really turn on things like these?
I called good-bye. By then she couldn’t hear.
I pulled the chocks away, and she was gone.

Marcus Bales lives and works in Cleveland, Ohio

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